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761.
Is Westminster dying as a useful conceptual encapsulation of a particular system of public administration? Scholarly critiques over the last decade have suggested Westminster civil services are evolving in ways that erode crucial Westminster “traditions.” Core elements including security of tenure, merit‐based selection, non‐partisanship, anonymity, and ministerial responsibility are all perceived as in decline or under attack. Influential commentators have proposed concepts such as “new political governance,” changing “public sector bargains,” “court government/politics,” and “presidentialization” to document and interpret these allegedly paradigmatic shifts in public administration. This article places these in context by canvasing different accounts of what Westminster is, before assessing the critiques about what it has become. The article argues that Westminster is not broken beyond repair, but rather it has been remolded to suit the needs of contemporary governance. 相似文献
762.
Dennis A. Ahlburg 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(2):278-285
The British government is encouraging the growth of for‐profit alternative providers of higher education (HE). While it is true that for‐profits have opened HE access to previously under‐served groups and have been more agile in reacting to market demand, they have done so at a considerable cost to students and the taxpayer because they do not share in the cost of the failure of HE to ensure a payoff for many of their students. The US experience with for‐profits should be a cautionary tale for those supporting their expansion in Britain. Policy is needed to craft a regulatory framework that produces the benefits that for‐profits can provide, but minimises the costs that often accompany them. At present, it is far from clear that expanding alternative providers—that is, for‐profits—would ‘work better’ for students. 相似文献
763.
Philip J.H. Dunn Sarah Hill Simon Cowen Heidi Goenaga-Infante Mike Sargent Ahmet Ceyhan Gören Mine Bilsel Adnan Şimşek Nives Ogrinc Doris Potočnik Paul Armishaw Lu Hai Leonid Konopelko Yan Chubchenko Lesley A. Chesson Gerard van der Peijl Cornelia Blaga Robert Posey Sadia A. Chowdhury 《Science & justice》2019,59(1):9-19
Forensic application of carbon isotope ratio measurements of honey and honey protein to investigate the degree of adulteration with high fructose corn syrup or other C4 plant sugars is well established. These measurements must use methods that exhibit suitable performance criteria, particularly with regard to measurement uncertainty and traceability – low levels of adulteration can only be detected by methods that result in suitably small measurement uncertainties such that differences of 1‰ or less can be reliably detected. Inter-laboratory exercises are invaluable to assess the state-of-the art of measurement capabilities of laboratories necessary to achieve such performance criteria. National and designated metrology institutes from a number of countries recently participated in an inter-laboratory assessment (CCQM-K140) of stable carbon isotope ratio determination of bulk honey. The same sample material was distributed to a number of forensic isotope analysis laboratories that could not participate directly in the metrological comparison. The results from these studies have demonstrated that the majority of participants provided isotope delta values with acceptable performance metrics; that all participants ensured traceability of their results; and that where measurement uncertainties were reported; these were fit-for-purpose. A number of the forensic laboratories only reported precision rather than full estimates of measurement uncertainty and this was the major cause of the few instances of questionable performance metrics. Reporting of standard deviations in place of measurement uncertainties is common practice outside metrology institutes and the implications for interpretations of small differences in isotopic compositions are discussed. The results have also highlighted a number of considerations that are useful for organisers of similar inter-laboratory studies in the future. 相似文献
764.
Dennis Patterson 《Ratio juris》2018,31(3):260-275
Ronald Dworkin famously argued that legal positivism is a defective account of law because it has no account of Theoretical Disagreement. In this article I argue that legal positivism—as advanced by H.L.A. Hart—does not need an account of Theoretical Disagreement. Legal positivism does, however, need a plausible account of interpretation in law. I provide such an account in this article. 相似文献
765.
Dennis C. Turk James P. Robinson Melanie P. Duckworth 《Psychological injury and law》2018,11(3):218-232
Motor vehicle collisions (MVCs) are very common, and they often result in neck and shoulder injuries that are referred to as whiplash-associated disorders (WAD). The largest percentage of WAD are relatively minor and do not reveal any evidence of objective, structural pathology. However, for a substantial percentage of individuals, WAD evolves into chronic, disabling conditions characterized by pain and other symptoms. A range of pre-morbid, collision-related, biomechanical, and psychosocial responses to the MVC have been investigated to determine the manner in which these responses serve to exacerbate and maintain WAD symptoms. In this article, we review the literature investigating these potential causal, amplifying, and perpetuating factors from a biopsychosocial perspective. We emphasize the range of psychological factors and the post-MVC legal and compensation factors that have been identified as significant contributors to the persistence of symptoms and ensuing disability. We highlight the ways in which psychological and legal factors need to be integrated with biological factors to better understand and prevent WAD and treat individuals who experience WAD to reduce chronicity and disability. 相似文献
766.
Dennis Jett 《中东政策》2023,30(3):120-128
Peacekeeping, and the conflicts to which it is applied, have evolved since the United Nations began these operations in 1948. Today, the UN has 90,000 peacekeepers deployed around the world in 12 operations that cost the international community $6.5 billion a year. Half of these missions have been going on for a combined total of three centuries, with no solution in sight to any of them. Five of the remaining six are in response to violent extremism. In those missions, a steadily growing number of peacekeepers are being killed despite the fact that they are unable to make any significant contribution to successfully combating the extremists. UN peacekeeping has therefore become either endless or impossible, and the peacekeepers have neither the carrots nor the sticks to effectively promote peace or punish those who are preventing it. It is time for the international community to rethink how it strives for international stability in conflict situations. To have a serious discussion, however, would require the UN member states to place a higher priority on peace than on their individual national interests. 相似文献