全文获取类型
收费全文 | 562篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 7篇 |
工人农民 | 62篇 |
世界政治 | 116篇 |
外交国际关系 | 20篇 |
法律 | 289篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 71篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 25篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 52篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 13篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 24篇 |
2007年 | 31篇 |
2006年 | 31篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 16篇 |
2003年 | 22篇 |
2002年 | 35篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 13篇 |
1998年 | 12篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 8篇 |
1993年 | 11篇 |
1992年 | 10篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 9篇 |
1985年 | 9篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有574条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
481.
This was a five-year follow-up study of 572 male graduates of a boot camp in the South. The purpose was to determine what elements of life-course theory discriminated between four outcomes: (1) nonrecidivists, (2) recidivists with felonies, (3) technical parole violators, and (4) parole violators due to drugs. Findings indicated a relatively accurate classification of the first three outcomes.The discriminators between nonrecidivists and various types of recidivists in the study were indicators of informal social controls such as marriage, employment, children, and religiosity. Discriminators of felony recidivists were early sexual and physical abuse, gang membership, peer association, carrying a weapon, and early onset of crime. Discriminators associated with technical parole violation were attachment to female caregivers, self-esteem and self-efficacy, and perception that boot camp stimulated thinking about choices in life. The conceptual and policy implications of these findings are discussed in detail. 相似文献
482.
483.
AbstractPresidents often give speeches about crime issues as a way to convince the public that there are significant problems for which an easy solution can be found. Studies have shown that presidential rhetoric on crime not only influences the public’s perception of the problem, but also the perception of the best solution. More recent research has demonstrated that presidents sometimes draw on the public’s fear of crime as a way to further affect the public’s perception of crime. In other words, presidents link crime with the public’s anxiety about other fearful events as a way to further impact the public’s perception of a problem (and thus further their agenda). This study examines presidential rhetoric on cybercrime to determine if executives link cybercrime with other issues such as national security. The findings provide credibility to both Cavelty’s threat frames approach as well as assertions made regarding the politics of fear. 相似文献
484.
485.
Nancy J. Whitmore 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(1):21-65
Commentators differ on whether a diminished constitutional status for profit-driven speech is consistent with free speech theory. Most recently, the Supreme Court of the United States in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission largely embraced an unfettered marketplace approach for political speech financed by corporate treasuries. Given the harm a free market approach is said to have produced in the economic realm, is this approach useful for structuring the constitutional protection economic expression receives? This article discusses the placement of economic expression within First Amendment theory and contends that restrictions on economic speech should be aimed at combating deceptive economic activities while overall regulatory goals should focus on requirements that enrich the supply of accurate and timely information. 相似文献
486.
487.
488.
489.
Nancy Thede 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(5):784-799
Often treated as separate paradigms, the security-development nexus and the aid effectiveness agenda are analysed here instead as a continuum of aid policy responses that attempt to stabilise power relations in a contested and unstable international arena These responses are informed by a common commitment by western donor governments to neoliberal logic since the early 1980s. The article focuses on the discourse of policy coherence for development promoted by the DAC (Development Assistance Committee) of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development), analysing it as the common vector of the two dimensions – effectiveness and security - of donor aid policy. By examining the emergence and transformations of the concept of coherence over the past two decades, it underlines the predominance of continuity over rupture in three successive phases of stabilisation (economic, political, security). 相似文献
490.