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111.
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Nicholas R. Miller 《Public Choice》2010,145(3-4):575-579
An Ordeshook-Schwartz agenda tree requires a voting theorist to assign a unique “ostensive alternative” to each node, but under some non-pairwise agendas there is no evident principle by which to do this. Therefore Ordeshook-Schwartz sincere voting is not clearly defined under all types of agendas. Farquharson-style agenda trees sidestep this problem and allow one or more definitions of sincere voting under every type of agenda. 相似文献
113.
Nicholas Aylott 《West European politics》2013,36(2):119-136
Sweden voted in November 1994 to approve EU membership. Although the Social Democratic Party's leadership advocated approval, the membership was badly divided. Against the backdrop of two Nordic sister parties’ similar difficulties, this article examines the leadership's management of the internal conflict. It analyses the evolution and main elements of its management strategy, the most important being an attempt to accommodate rather than confront the party's Eurosceptics. As the leadership's two goals for 1994, an election victory and a ‘Yes’ in the referendum, were both achieved, the strategy must be considered a qualified, short‐term success. 相似文献
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In September 2012, the Australian Advertising Standards Bureau (ASB) made ‘landmark decisions’ relating to the use of Facebook by vodka brand Smirnoff and beer brand Victoria Bitter. The ASB determined that (i) a brand's Facebook page is a marketing communication tool, and (ii) all contents on the page fall under the industry's self‐regulatory code of ethics, including consumer‐created content such as user‐generated comments and photos. The decisions come in response to a submission that the authors made regarding the Facebook pages of the two brands. These submissions were based on a research project that had monitored the use of Facebook by several Australian alcohol brands since the late 2010 to identify how these brands use social media as experiential social spaces to engage consumers in the co‐creation of content. This article reviews the ruling by analysing the advertisers' response to the complaint, the regulators' justifications for the decisions, and the possibilities and limitations of regulating social media in general. It argues that although the ASB has acknowledged that brands are responsible for all contents on their Facebook pages, the regulators' approach is of limited effectiveness given the way Facebook allows brands to embed themselves in the mediation of everyday life. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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Nicholas Timmins 《The Political quarterly》2001,72(4):493-497
Reports reviewed in this article:
Institute for Public Policy Research, Building Better Partnerships: Final Report of the Commission on Public—Private Partnerships
Fabian Society, Paying for Progress: A New Politic of Tax for Public Spending 相似文献
Institute for Public Policy Research, Building Better Partnerships: Final Report of the Commission on Public—Private Partnerships
Fabian Society, Paying for Progress: A New Politic of Tax for Public Spending 相似文献
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Alexander Nicholas Shaw 《Intelligence & National Security》2017,32(6):797-816
From 1946–1963, MI5 operated a South-East Asian regional headquarters in Singapore: Security Intelligence Far East (SIFE). This article responds to growing interest in theatre-level intelligence organisation and the importance of intelligence to Britain’s Cold War and decolonisation by examining the performance of SIFE. On the organisational level, SIFE was strongest when it remained wedded to its charter functions and closely adhered to the priorities of its principal consumer: the Commissioner-General for South-East Asia. Its assessments were influential in shaping decision-makers’ understandings of key regional developments, although this did not always translate into public policy. Lastly, SIFE enjoyed success in developing lasting liaison relationships to cement British influence, but failed to utilise these to improve its intake of raw intelligence. 相似文献
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