全文获取类型
收费全文 | 273篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 47篇 |
工人农民 | 11篇 |
世界政治 | 32篇 |
外交国际关系 | 8篇 |
法律 | 116篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 73篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 18篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 54篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 9篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 6篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有297条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
241.
The election of the Howard Government has marked a paradigm shift in welfare policy with the implementation of far reaching reforms around the concept of mutual obligation. At the same time, there has been media speculation about the Government's use of 'wedge politics' to sustain its political agenda with respect to welfare and other policies. Wedge politics, however, is yet to receive detailed analysis in Australian political science. We define wedge politics to be a calculated political tactic aimed at using divisive social issues to gain political support, weaken opponents and strengthen control over the political agenda. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: to develop a definition of wedge politics and to investigate how the Howard Government's welfare reform agenda might be understood as an example of such politics, drawing out its longer-term implications. 相似文献
242.
243.
In this article we investigate the extent to which the relationship between extracurricular activities and youth development
depends on situational contexts. Using a national sample including 13,466 youths in grades 7–12 across 120 schools, we conduct
school-level analyses of the association between extracurricular activities, delinquency, and depression. Three main findings
are reported. First, we observe near-normal distributions across schools in the proportions of delinquent or depressed youths
involved in extracurricular activities, illustrating that extracurricular activities can be positive, neutral, or negative
settings for youth development. Second, within individual schools we fail to uncover consistent associations in the propensity
of delinquent or depressed youth to be involved with different types of extracurricular activities. Third, standard macro-level
context variables do not explain the observed variations within or between schools. The results suggest that the relationships
between extracurricular activities, delinquent conduct and depressive symptoms among youth ultimately depend more upon micro-level
contextual factors than the type or content of the activities themselves.
相似文献
Andrew M. GuestEmail: |
244.
Nick H. K. Or 《Public administration》2019,97(4):926-941
This article considers how autocrats decide to expand or narrow the issue diversity of their policy agenda during a period of political liberalization. Prior studies have two competing perspectives. First, political liberalization increases the social and political freedom that enhances information exchange, and thus expands issue diversity. Second, political liberalization decreases government's control of the legislature and thus narrows the issue diversity. This article offers a novel theoretical perspective by combining these two countervailing theories. Specifically, it predicts a diminishing marginal benefit of information exchange and an increasing marginal bargaining cost. As such, this article argues that issue diversity follows a negative quadratic (inverted‐U) relationship as the regimes liberalize. The analysis of a new and unique dataset of Hong Kong's legislative agenda (1975 to 2016) offers support for this theory. This study sheds light on policy‐making in authoritarian regimes and democracies, and advances the theory of information processing. 相似文献
245.
Nick Bisley 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(3):361-376
East Asia's security order is experiencing significant change as it moves from a stable and peaceful geopolitical setting into one of increasingly open contestation. There is no scholarly consensus about the core character of East Asia's old security order, thus making analysis of this period of change especially challenging. The aim of this paper is two‐fold. Firstly, it seeks to provide some order to the broader debate about East Asia's regional security environment. Secondly, it provides a novel account of East Asia's security order that better captures the key dynamics at play in the region than the literature currently does. The paper's first part discusses the different types of security orders identified by scholars and analysts. The second examines the ways in which scholars have attempted to explain East Asia's security order and explores the key forces that they have argued shaped their form. The third part develops a distinctive account of Asia's security order which focuses on the interplay of domestic and international factors and argues that it was the political consensus that existed across the region about its structure and purpose that made the region stable and it is the breakdown of that consensus that is destabilising East Asia today. 相似文献
246.
When Members of Parliament (MPs) disagree publicly with their party, this provides a signal to voters regarding both their political views and their character valence. We argue that the strength of this signal to voters depends on the personal career costs an MP incurs by dissenting. The greater the perceived costs of dissent to the MP, the more positively voters should react to dissent. In line with this theory, we use a series of conjoint analysis experiments in Britain, Germany, and Austria to show that: (1) dissent has a more positive effect on voter evaluations in systems where the costs of dissent are higher, and (2) more costly types of dissent have a greater impact on voter evaluations. These findings have important implications for understanding how voter evaluations of MPs depend on beliefs about parliamentary systems and how parliamentary institutions condition the link between voters and MPs. 相似文献
247.
248.
Nick C.N. Lin 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2015,40(3):391-415
The information theory of legislative organization suggests that legislative committees are designed to provide their parent chamber with necessary information to legislate. Despite empirical evidence for various aspects of the theory, we have limited knowledge of committees’ influence on legislative outputs. I argue that informative committees are more than information providers, that they also substantively impact legislative outcomes. With supportive evidence from the US state legislatures, this article shows that the presence of an informative committee system not only lowers the number of bills introduced to the legislature but also enhances the chamber's efficiency in transforming legislative proposals into laws. 相似文献
249.
250.