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271.
Nick Dyrenfurth 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2006,52(2):202-223
Empirical and theoretical studies have shown the development of both the idea and practice of Australian citizenship to be incremental and ad hoc. However, insufficient attention has been placed on the role political language has historically played in the formation and legitimation of such an ideal of citizenship. I contend that language has, in the absence of definition and explication, vastly shaped our past and present imaginings of the citizen. Within this superstructure, Australian Liberals have contingently and ideologically fashioned a language of citizenship emphasising duties and obligations. Robert Menzies provides the great example and it is his construction and use of language which I want to examine in detail as a coherent philosophy of citizenship as well as pointing to the historical limitations of language. 相似文献
272.
273.
The Lisbon Strategy commits the EU to making labour market regulation more employment friendly with commentators anticipating
some resulting convergence on the US model. Surprisingly, part of this post-Lisbon convergence has taken the form of a major
extension of EU Social Policy with the expansion of anti-discrimination policies to address the case of age discrimination.
We argue that unlike the US experience, it is the current preoccupation with raising European employment rates that has led
to this expansion of ‘hard law’ Social Europe. We are unable to provide an efficiency rationale for this extension and assess
alternative explanations. We also provide arguments suggesting that its impact is likely to differ from those experienced
in the US.
相似文献
274.
This paper examines how internal structure and external constraints affect local government ability to meet voters' demands. It applies the revealed preference method to US counties to identify those that fail to satisfy the pure democracy outcome of the median voter hypothesis (MVH). Probit analysis identifies the factors associated with counties that satisfy the MVH. Internal government structure does not matter but restricting home rule increases the likelihood of satisfying the MVH equilibrium, the latter result consistent with the leviathan model. The systematic differences found for urban and rural county governments reinforce this conclusion. 相似文献
275.
Nick Baxter-Moore Ibrahim Berrada Oleksandr Chernomorchenko Paul D. Coleman Kelly Gaskin 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2018,56(4):472-492
For decades scholars have engaged in a lively debate about the distinctiveness of Canadian and American value systems. Lipset (1990) argues that divergent responses to the American Revolution led Canada to embrace Tory values of ‘peace, order, and good government’ while Americans pursued classical liberal values of ‘life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness’. Other scholars question the extent, or even the existence, of the differences Lipset describes. Using surveys of students from Canadian and American universities close to the Canada–US border, we identify compelling support for Lipset’s hypothesised differences on the role of government in the least likely setting imaginable. 相似文献
276.
Evans SD Prilleltensky O McKenzie A Prilleltensky I Nogueras D Huggins C Mescia N 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2011,39(1):50-64
SPEC Learning and Changing by Doing is a three-year, action research, and organizational change project designed to ultimately promote social justice and well-being in the community. SPEC is an acronym that stands for Strengths, Prevention, Empowerment, and Community Change. The project consists of five organizations tackling internal organizational change in order to better promote justice and well-being in their respective constituencies. In this article we present a formative evaluation of this multicase study of organizational change in human services. This article contributes to the empirical and theoretical literature on organizational change in the nonprofit human service milieu. 相似文献
277.
The expansion of human rights provisions has produced an increasing number of human rights practitioners and delineated human
rights as a field of its own. Questions of who is practicing human rights and how they practice it have become important.
This paper considers the question of human rights practice and the agency of practitioners, arguing that practice should not
be conceived as the application of philosophy, but instead approached from a sociological point of view. Whatever the structuring
effect of political institutions, human rights is being defined more expansively by practitioners. The weakness of international
institutions and the interpretive scope of human rights discourse produce significant opportunity for practitioners to interpret
the meaning of human rights. Our exploratory interviews of a small sample of practitioners reveal widely varying histories,
in which they interpret their own work as “human rights” practice in differing ways. Practitioners who in the past thought
of themselves differently, now identify as human rights activists. They are also becoming more professional, but concerned
about professionalization. Their self-interpretations reflect these concerns and also respond to the necessities of career
events. Through the conscious and unconscious aspects of their practice, practitioners exercise considerable agency in adapting
human rights discourse to their own concerns while also being critical of it. 相似文献
278.
Nick Compton 《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(23):48
正I am leaving China soon,but this is not your typical"China breakup letter."In the past several years,there has been a flood of goodbye notes published by expats leaving China for seemingly greener pastures elsewhere.Invariably,the letters cite air pollu- 相似文献
279.
280.