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71.
The study analyzed whether the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the establishment of succeeding mono-national states was the expression of “longing” of mass proportions on the part of the nationalities within respective federal units. Using the data from two pan-Yugoslav surveys from the period preceding the dissolution, results were obtained that indicated a very limited support for this hypothesis. More specifically, results indicated that support for emancipation was rather weak, among youth in 1986 and even among the adult population in 1990, although some significant mean differences between the federal units and between major nationalities within them were evident. Specifically, opinions favoring independence were detected among Kosovo Albanians and later among Slovenians in Slovenia. In addition, findings also indicated that those with higher socioeconomic status were not more inclined toward independence. Results thus pointed more towards the idea that the dissolution was indeed instigated by a small group of “political entrepreneurs” not captured by the survey data. 相似文献
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Vytautas Kuokštis 《后苏联事务》2013,29(6):557-575
This article argues that substantial differences in political legitimacy can help explain why Estonia dealt with the recent economic crisis more successfully than Lithuania. In 2009, when the crisis hit hardest, Lithuania saw its budget deficit expand substantially, while Estonia managed to keep the deficit under 3% of GDP and consequently was invited to join the Eurozone, to which it acceded in 2011. The experience of these countries presents an interesting puzzle, as the divergent fiscal performance cannot be attributed to purely economic factors. Both countries have a similar economic structure, and both were similarly affected by the crisis. Furthermore, both pursued similar expenditure and tax policies during the crisis. Based on quantitative and qualitative evidence, it is argued that higher tax compliance and subsequently higher tax revenues can explain the difference. In turn, this compliance gap can be attributed to different levels of trust in political institutions in Estonia and Lithuania. 相似文献
74.
Nenad Zakošek 《Democratization》2013,20(3):588-610
The author explores the connection that exists between democratization, state-building and war in the cases of Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. It is necessary to examine closely how these processes influence one another because state-building and democratization are not necessarily contradictory and even war might not be an obstacle for democracy. However, in Serbia and Croatia state-building and war influenced democratization negatively, but in different ways. In Serbia, the nationalist mobilization for a state-building programme prevented democratization, while in Croatia democratization was a precondition for state-building, which then impeded democratic consolidation. Further important differences are the lower level of institutionalization, incomplete state-building, and polarized party system in Serbia and a higher level of institutionalization, completed state-building, and moderate party pluralism in Croatia. The war also influenced Croatia directly, while Serbia was only indirectly affected by the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina before the NATO intervention in 1999. 相似文献
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Matúš Mišík 《Asia Europe Journal》2013,11(4):445-463
The paper reviews literature on perception within the international relations and the European Union (EU) studies in order to find out whether and how this concept can help us shed some light on the mutual relations between the EU member states. It examines the utilisation of perception as an analytical tool within the international relations where it was predominantly included into the foreign policy analysis approaches (image and role theory). Moreover, it was used for examining the views of the EU by other actors at not only bilateral but also multilateral level. Most studies analysed the perception of Asian countries, however, other areas, including Africa, were studied. Perception was utilised also at the EU level, when it was used for scrutinising different EU policies (foreign and security policies, enlargement), examining preference formation and influence of member states or investigating elite and public support for the European integration. The results show that perception is a valuable concept that can help us to analyse mutual relations between the EU member states in the enlarged and changed EU in several ways. 相似文献
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Markus Vašek 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2010,18(3):94-107
Die Bestimmung des Art 16 EMRK wirkt wie ein Fremdkörper im System der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Sie ermöglicht den Mitgliedsstaaten des Europarates, die politische Tätigkeit von Ausländern hinsichtlich einiger Grundrechte zu beschränken. Der Wortlaut der Vorschrift lässt viele Fragen hinsichtlich ihrer Reichweite offen und führt dementsprechend zu dogmatischen Unsicherheiten. Es zeigt sich, dass den Mitgliedsstaaten bei der Beschränkung politischer Tätigkeiten von Ausländern weitgehende Gestaltungsfreiheit zukommt, jedoch willkürliche Eingriffe durch Art 16 EMRK nicht gedeckt sind. Weitaus enger als die Mitgliedsstaaten des Europarates sind die Mitglieder der Europäischen Union zusammengewachsen. Die gemeinschaftsrechtliche Integration geht mittlerweile weit über bloß wirtschaftliche Belange hinaus und ermöglicht den Unionsbürgern auch eine politische Mitwirkungsmöglichkeit in anderen EU-Staaten. Als letztes staatsbürgerliches "Reservat" ist hier noch das Wahlrecht zu den nationalen Vertretungskörpern auszumachen. In diesem Bereich hat bei dogmatischer Betrachtung auch die Bestimmung des Art 16 EMRK noch einen kleinen Anwendungsbereich. 相似文献
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Czech politics suffers from a low durability of most of its governments, and frequent government crises. One of the products of this situation has been the phenomenon of caretaker governments. This article analyses why political elites have resorted to this solution, and discusses how this has reflected an older Czech tradition. Two cases of such governments are analysed in detail. The To?ovský government was characterised by the ability of the Czech president to advance his agenda through this government at a time when the party elites were divided. The Fischer government was characterised by the considerably higher role of parties that shaped and limited the agenda of the cabinet, and the president played a more static role. 相似文献