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811.
Some investigators argue that recent reforms in Congress have made it more difficult for Congress to do its job, while others contend that growing complexity in the larger congressional environment has had this result. We test these competing explanations using selected measures of congressional committee inputs and outputs over a period of eight Congresses, 1961–1975. Analysis based on pooled time-series and cross-section data reveals that reform had no direct impact on our measures of committee inputs and outputs once the effects of underlying trends attributable to complexity in the external environment are controlled. Similar conclusions emerge when we compare committees in complex and noncomplex environments and also when we compare committees differentially affected by reform. We discuss methodological and policy implications of our findings. 相似文献
812.
Paul Williams 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2002,15(1):53-63
This article explores why the New Labour government in Britain stopped using the former Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's notion of an 'ethical dimension' to present its foreign policy to the public. The article begins by tracing the rise of the 'ethical dimension' in New Labour's foreign policy pronouncements. It then surveys some of the debates about the party's foreign policy record, investigating how far its explicit appeal to ethics merely overlies traditional British foreign policy practices. The final section discusses three possible explanations for New Labour's decision to abandon the language of an 'ethical dimension'. It is argued that this decision suggests two important lessons for the future relationship of ethics to foreign policy. While explicit ethical standards provide important benchmarks for activists and public intellectuals, they can also serve to highlight the failures of an administration at the expense of more positive developments. Consequently, jettisoning the language of an 'ethical dimension' may actually encourage a more sophisticated public debate that moves beyond the facile and misleading belief that foreign policies are either 'ethical' or 'unethical'. 相似文献
813.
814.
Analysis of the vitreous humour from an individual's eyes collected at the same time since death showed variation between the eyes in the concentration of potassium, sodium and/or urate. This previously unreported finding would limit the use of measuring these electrolytes in determining the time of death. 相似文献
815.
A property crime victimization survey was conducted of households in both high and tow crime neighborhoods in one southern
city. A response rate of 68.5% was obtained. The study tested the premises of both the routine activities and social disorganization
theories as they contribute to the likelihood of property crime victimization at the individual level. It was found that routine
activities theory explained 28% of the property crime variance in the socially disorganized area (high crime) while only explaining
11% of the same variance in the low crime area. Separate measurements were used to establish the level of social disorganization
in the two geographical areas. The beta coefficients reveal that in the high crime area, those most likely to be property
crime victims are white, single homeowners who are not at home from 6 p.m. to 11 p.m., who have relatives living in their
neighborhoods, and who interact with their neighbors. These findings lend marginal support to the routine activities model. 相似文献
816.
817.
818.
European Journal of Political Research - 相似文献
819.
820.
This article considers the development of social policy analysis in the American central government in order both to present the highlights of that three-plus-decade history and to spell out the implications for the United States and other advanced industrial democracies. The argument is that (1) sound policy data and analyses have never been so needed in the face of increasing political polarization and overwhelming amounts of difficult-to-validate policy information produced in the electronic revolution; and (2) the American experience may be particularly useful to other advanced nations because what works in the United States should work better in these countries, in that they have less complex parliamentary structures without America's independent legislature to challenge the chief executive. 相似文献