Human dental age estimation by calculation of pulp-tooth volume ratios yielded on clinically acquired cone beam computed tomography images of monoradicular teeth

Abstract: Secondary dentine is responsible for a decrease in the volume of the dental pulp cavity with aging. The aim of this study is to evaluate a human dental age estimation method based on the ratio between the volume of the pulp and the volume of its corresponding tooth, calculated on clinically taken cone beam computed tomography (CBCT) images from monoradicular teeth. On the 3D images of 111 clinically obtained CBCT images (Scanora^®3D dental cone beam unit) of 57 female and 54 male patients ranging in age between 10 and 65 years, the pulp–tooth volume ratio of 64 incisors, 32 canines, and 15 premolars was calculated with Simplant^® Pro software. A linear regression model was fit with age as dependent variable and ratio as predictor, allowing for interactions of specific gender or tooth type. The obtained pulp–tooth volume ratios were the strongest related to age on incisors.     

The “Same,Related, or Interrelated” Acts or Claims Provision: Insurers’ Efforts to Expand the Reasonable Application of Such Provisions to Deny or Otherwise Limit Coverage under Claims-Made Policies

Claims-made insurance policies often contain provisions regarding the treatment of the same, related, or interrelated acts or claims. Such language may affect the number of policy limits and retentions available as well as the timing of when multiple claims are deemed made. This article examines sample policy language as to the same, related, or interrelated acts or claims provisions as well as the disparate case law interpreting such provisions. The result is several principles to guide policyholders in the application of such language and to counter insurers’ efforts to unreasonably use such language to limit or deny coverage.     

Leaders, voters and activists in the elections in Great Britain 2005 and 2010

Discussion of the relationship between parties and the electorate is often based on the notion of partisan constituencies, that parties adopt policy positions that correspond to the average position of the party supporters. In contrast, the Downsian “spatial model” assumes that parties are purely opportunistic and maneuver to gain as many votes as possible. A third, more empirical model, based on the early work of Stokes, assumes that voter choice is based on the evaluation of each of the party leader’s competence or ability to deliver policy success. Such an evaluation can be provided by individual voter overall assessment in terms of the leaders’ character traits.This paper attempts to relate these three classes of models by examining the elections in Great Britain in 2005 and 2010. Using the British Election Study, we construct spatial models of these elections in Great Britain as well as in the three regions of England, Scotland and Wales. The models incorporate the electoral perceptions of character traits. We compare the equilibrium vote maximizing positions with the partisan positions, estimated by taking the mean of each of the parties voters’ preferred positions. We define an equilibrium to be a stable attractor if the vote share at the equilibrium exceeds the share at the partisan position by a significant proportion (determined by the implicit error of the stochastic model). We infer that none of the equilibria are stable attractors, and suggest that the partisan positions are also preferred by the party activists, the key supporters of each party.     

Evaluation of the use of pharmacological treatment with prisoners experiencing high levels of hypersexual disorder

This paper presents an evaluation of the impact of pharmacological treatment in reducing hypersexual disorder in adult males who have been incarcerated following conviction for a sexual offence. The evaluation compares two types of pharmacological treatment, one of which is part of the current NICE guidance for treatment of hypersexuality (Antiandrogens), whilst the other type (SSRIs) is off-label use in the UK for hypersexuality. The participant pool comprised 127 adult male prisoners serving sentences for sexual offences in a UK prison. Participants had been voluntarily referred for pharmacological treatment to manage hypersexual disorder. The results demonstrated a significant reduction of hypersexual disorder pre- and post-medication and contribute to the evidence base for the use of pharmacological treatment with individuals for whom hypersexual disorder may be a salient factor in their offending. Limitations of the current research are discussed.     

Perceived Sanction Threats and Projective Risk Sensitivity: Auto Theft,Carjacking, and the Channeling Effect

Although sanction threats promote fear, among committed offenders, that fear can become a resource with which to sculpt emerging crime preferences. In such cases, criminality is not deterred but channeled. We explore the channeling process here as it relates to auto theft and carjacking. Our qualitative findings reveal that auto thieves are reluctant to embrace the violence of carjacking due to concerns over sanction threat severity they attributed to carjacking—both formal (higher sentences) and informal (victim resistance and retaliation). Meanwhile, the carjackers are reticent to enact auto theft because of the more uncertain and putatively greater risk of being surprised by victims, a fear that appears to overcome the enhanced long-term formal penalty of taking a vehicle by force. We examine the implications of offenders’ decision-making for the analytic intersection of rational choice and deterrence, offering the notion of projective risk sensitivity to encapsulate the process.     

From peasant community to production co‐operative: An analysis of recent government policy in Peru

Discussions concerning rural development in Peru since the military coup of 1968 have focused mainly on the large‐scale land reform programme under which the coastal estates and many of the livestock and agricultural haciendas in the highlands have been expropriated [Petras and Rimensnyder, 1970, Quijano, 1971, and Hobsbawm, 1971]. This has tended to deflect interest from other important aspects of rural development policy. It would be wrong to assume that, prior to the latest reforms, the Peruvian scene consisted almost entirely of latifundia agriculture, for a substantial proportion of the productive agricultural land in both the highlands and coastal valleys was, and remains, in the control of smallholder farmers, or is held under communal ownership by peasant communities. In an attempt to incorporate these non‐hacienda zones into the plan for national development [Plan del Peru: 1971–1975], the government is encouraging the expansion of smallholder commercial production, the establishment of new, or the improvement of existing, marketing and servicing co‐operatives, and is promoting a re‐organisation of peasant communities with the long‐term objective of transforming them into modern production or multipurpose co‐operatives. This paper outlines recent legislation aimed at reforming these peasant communities and examines the social consequences of the new policy, particularly as it affects smallholder regions. We address ourselves mainly to two problems: Firstly, we wish to assess the effectiveness of the policy in transferring the benefits of community resources to the poorer strata of the rural population, a central aim of the reforms; and secondly, we want to isolate the factors which inhibit the emergence of viable modes of co‐operative organisation and which limit the role that community institutions can play in promoting local development. It is necessary in a paper of this length to confine ourselves mainly to an analysis of the situation in one district of the Mantaro Valley of Central Peru—that of Matahuasi—for which we have detailed data; although many of our conclusions, we believe, raise problems of general significance for interpreting the types of development strategies and priorities favoured by the present government.     

Muted criticism in Egypt (Part 2)

Egypt, the heart of the Arab world, is the dominant player in Arab‐Israeli and inter‐Arab affairs. Close scrutiny of political and intellectual trends in Egypt tells us much about these trends throughout the Arab world. Reporting from a country such as Egypt, which has an authoritarian form of government, presents problems for journalists and researchers. There is much criticism of the government, but it is muted, often lying just below the surface. One must try to discern the underlying political reality without seeming to criticize the government. Journalists who are considered pro‐Israel are viewed with suspicion. Journalists who ask probing questions may be classified as pro‐Israel. This study examines the complex fabric of Egyptian political reality through interviews with prominent intellectuals and government leaders. The interviews focus on crucial areas of foreign policy.     

Civil society and trust building in Cyprus

Civil society in Cyprus has a key role to play in creating spaces for dialogue and cooperation between the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities. Recent research by the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) has identified how these processes have contributed to trust and peacebuilding on the island, the challenges facing organisations engaged in this work, and how these were being addressed. It demonstrates that important steps are being taken by civil society organisations to overcome prejudices and break down barriers, and that by further developing links with local and international policymakers and institutions, civil society could be a stronger player in the peace process.

Renforcement de la société civile et de la confiance à Chypre

La société civile chypriote a un rôle clé à jouer dans la création d'espaces propices au dialogue et à la coopération entre les communautés turque et gréco-chypriote. Des recherches récemment menées par l'International Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) ont identifié la manière dont ces processus ont contribué au renforcement de la confiance et de la paix sur l'île, les défis auxquels sont confrontées les organisations actives dans ce travail, et la manière dont ces défis étaient relevés. Les résultats de ces recherches montrent que des mesures importantes sont prises par les organisations de la société civile pour venir à bout des préjugés et éradiquer les barrières, et qu'en mettant au point des liens avec des décideurs et des institutions internationaux, la société civile pourrait être un protagoniste plus puissant dans le processus de paix.

La sociedad civil y la construcción de confianza en Chipre

En Chipre, la sociedad civil desempeña un rol importante en la creación de espacios para el diálogo y en la cooperación entre las comunidades turca y griega chipriota. Investigaciones recientes, realizadas por el Centro Internacional para la Capacitación y la Investigación (intrac por sus siglas en inglés), han identificado cómo estos procesos han aportado confianza logrando construir paz en la isla, cuáles son los retos enfrentados por las organizaciones que participan en este trabajo, y cómo fueron abordados dichos retos. Asimismo, dichas investigaciones demuestran que las organizaciones de la sociedad civil han dado pasos importantes para superar prejuicios y barreras y que, al desarrollar relaciones adicionales con los formadores de políticas y con las instituciones, la sociedad civil podría convertirse en un actor más fuerte en el proceso de paz.

Sociedade civil e construção da confiança em Chipre

A sociedade civil em Chipre possui um papel-chave na criação de espaços para diálogo e cooperação entre as comunidades cipriotas turcas e gregas. Pesquisa recente do Centro de Treinamento e Pesquisa Internacional (INTRAC) identificou como estes processos têm contribuído para a construção da confiança e paz na ilha, os desafios que as organizações enfrentam neste trabalho e como eles estão sendo abordados. Ela demonstra que passos importantes estão sendo dados pelas organizações da sociedade civil para superar preconceitos e destruir barreiras e, ao desenvolver mais as ligações com formuladores de políticas locais e internacionais e com instituições, a sociedade civil pode ser um agente mais forte no processo de paz.