全文获取类型
收费全文 | 425篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 12篇 |
世界政治 | 51篇 |
外交国际关系 | 29篇 |
法律 | 180篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 133篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 20篇 |
2017年 | 16篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 76篇 |
2012年 | 14篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 18篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 15篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 16篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有444条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
361.
This paper reports on the current status of police and security education in Australian universities and technical colleges.
The study was undertaken in the context of calls for greater professionalisation of policing and security along with a variety
of conduct scandals that have driven reform agendas for both sectors. The study found that police studies had a significant
profile in universities with a wide range of courses available, but virtually no profile in technical and further education
(TAFE) colleges. Conversely, protective security offerings were proportionately more prominent in the TAFE sector than in
universities. Courses in information and communication technology security were more common across universities and TAFE.
The research also found that, of the 39 Australian universities, 9 have research centres related generally to policing and
security. These also appeared to favour policing over security. We argue that these findings should be of concern, given the
fact that private and public sector security services have eclipsed police, in numbers at least, in many jurisdictions. Security
should, we argue, be counted as an equal partner with police in crime prevention services. In addition, we argue that those
engaged in security management should be given greater opportunities for study at the university level. Moreover, security
studies should have an expanded research focus. 相似文献
362.
363.
This article examines clientelism in Iraq as a case study of one form of corruption. Iraq is an unusual case of corruption, because a key feature of Iraq's corrupt environment is an institutionalised factional political system based on sectarian quotas. The article explores the many links between clientelism and political factionalism, discussing whether clientelism arose because of factionalism, or whether factionalism merely determines the ways that clientelism currently operates in Iraq. Using fieldwork data, the findings show there are two distinct levels of clientelism in Iraq, both of which are linked to political factions: the individual level and the organisational level. First, clientelism at the individual level entails the elites of many political factions regarding ‘money politics’ as a means of influence in Iraq/Kurdistan by buying people's affiliations and thereby governing people. Second, clientelism at the organisational level entails that the spoils of political office are shared out among the elites of the political factions in a proportionate fashion. The article concludes that clientelism is a form of political rather than economic corruption; and that while there may be some immediate value in clientelism, its long-term harm outweighs its short-term value. 相似文献
364.
This article examines the current debate in Australia about public sector integrity and the idea of a standing anticorruption commission. From this debate the article outlines a specific type of ‘public sector integrity commission’ that in principle should have the necessary powers and techniques at its disposal to minimise corruption while ensuring efficiency and fairness. The debate has been most active in jurisdictions that have not had an anticorruption commission – mainly in Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania – but debate about integrity commissions has occurred in all jurisdictions. The authors argue that anticorruption commissions are essential to ensure the integrity of the public sector and that a model commission should: cover all elements of the public sector; independently investigate serious and mid‐level complaints; have own motion powers to investigate any matter; have summary authority to apply administrative sanctions; make use of a range of investigative tools; not be tasked with combating major and organised crime; and be held accountable to citizens through a parliamentary committee and a parliamentary inspector. 相似文献
365.
Patrick Sturgis Sanna Read Peter K. Hatemi Gu Zhu Tim Trull Margaret J. Wright Nicholas G. Martin 《Political Behavior》2010,32(2):205-230
A propensity to believe that fellow citizens will not act against our interests in social and economic transactions has been
identified as key to the effective functioning of democratic polities. Yet the causes of this type of ‘generalized’ or ‘social’
trust are far from clear. To date, researchers within the social and political sciences have focused almost exclusively on
social-developmental and political/institutional features of individuals and societies as the primary causal influences. In
this paper we investigate the intriguing possibility that social trust might have a genetic, as well as an environmental basis.
We use data collected from samples of monozygotic and dizygotic twins to estimate the additive genetic, shared environmental,
and non-shared environmental components of trust. Our results show that the majority of the variance in a multi-item trust
scale is accounted for by an additive genetic factor. On the other hand, the environmental influences experienced in common
by sibling pairs have no discernable effect; the only environmental influences appear to be those that are unique to the individual.
Our findings problematise the widely held view that the development of social trust occurs through a process of familial socialization
at an early stage of the life course. 相似文献
366.
A key feature of modern policing is external oversight of alleged police misconduct. The present paper focuses on the three UK oversight agencies: the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC), the Police Complaints Commissioner for Scotland (PCCS); and the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland (PONI). Document analysis and interviews were utilized to highlight the different models of oversight with regard to the balance of responsibility for complaint investigations. The PONI exemplifies a model of regulatory independence that provides a strong challenge to the very limited PCCS model and intermediate IPCC model. An emerging trend was indentified of co-operation between external and internal agency personnel working towards police reform and areas in which oversight agencies can contribute to reform are presented. 相似文献
367.
Allowing the plaintiff and defendant to choose the order in which they invest effort into trial, we show that the timing of litigation efforts is critically dependent on the level of defendant fault. For a high (low) level of defendant fault, the plaintiff invests after (before) the defendant’s investment choice. The equilibrium order of litigation efforts in turn is decisive for (a) the level of total litigation effort, (b) justice achieved by the litigation contest, and (c) plaintiffs’ incentives to bring suit. As a result, the endogenous timing bears vital implications for policy makers. 相似文献
368.
Tim Finch 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):110-123
This study examines the pivotal role of the parliamentary private secretary to the prime minister. The PPS is a vital two‐way conduit between the Commons and Number Ten. As deference among MPs has declined and rebelliousness increased, the PPS who is not up to the job risks jeopardising the prime minister's leadership. The PPSs can be broadly categorised according to their age, experience, potential and designated role, but there has been no pattern of appointments. Every PPS is chosen for his individual qualities, reinterprets the role and fulfils a slightly different function. An examination of the ‘work’ of the prime minister's PPS shows the informal and personal nature of the role. The PPS enjoys unique access to the premier and occupies a position at the centre of government. The job has clearly grown in importance and become more demanding. The performance of Thatcher's five PPSs and Major's first PPS are evaluated using the findings of a questionnaire. The performance of each successive PPS to Thatcher was judged by MPs to be worse than the one before, culminating in the disastrous tenure of Morrison. Gow is shown to be a model PPS because he was respected, trusted and liked in the Commons and at Number Ten. 相似文献
369.
Tim Schwarz 《Natur und Recht》2011,13(5):545-555
Ziel der Abschichtung bei der Umweltprüfung in der Bauleitplanung und der Raumordnung ist die Vermeidung von Doppelprüfungen auf verschiedenen Planungsebenen durch den Rückgriff auf bereits durchgeführte Umweltprüfungen auf anderen Plaungsebenen. Wird die Abschichtung formal richtig und strukturiert durchgeführt, kann sie einen Beitrag zur Verfahrensvereinfachung bei der Umweltprüfung von Raumordnungs- oder Bauleitpl?nen leisten. 相似文献
370.
ABSTRACTThis paper draws on the theoretical lens of diffraction to conceptualize a new approach to transrational peace education theory and praxis in the post-2016 posttruth political era and Industry 4.0 economic period. The paper reviews foundational concepts and approaches from key founders of the field – Paulo Freire and Betty Reardon – before turning to two contemporary peace education scholars – Wolfgang Dietrich and Hilary Cremin – to investigate the contributions of recent scholarship toward diverse diffractive possibilities for transrational peace education. In this sense, diffraction offers pluralistic views and transformative possibilities for transrational peace education in varied contexts. Transrational peace education builds upon peace education to integrate affective and aesthetic perspectives into peace education theory and praxis. Before concluding, we offer some theoretical implications and pedagogic responses for scholars seeking to work at diffractive transrational intersections. The contribution of the paper is toward theorizing new perspectives for transrational peace education theory and praxis in the 21st century. 相似文献