全文获取类型
收费全文 | 425篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 12篇 |
世界政治 | 51篇 |
外交国际关系 | 29篇 |
法律 | 180篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 133篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 20篇 |
2017年 | 16篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 76篇 |
2012年 | 14篇 |
2011年 | 18篇 |
2010年 | 18篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 15篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 16篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有444条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
371.
Tim Dorlach 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2019,21(3):270-286
AbstractIn many low- and middle-income countries, conventional welfare state institutions provide social protection only for the formally employed. In contrast, the rural and urban poor are often protected by “social policy by other means”. Based on a comparative analysis of two major unconventional welfare programs in Turkey, agricultural state support and access to squatter housing, this article explains retrenchment of social policy by other means. Agricultural retrenchment was the result of coercive policy transfer from international organizations in a post-crisis context, while the retrenchment of squatter housing was driven by domestic political entrepreneurs responding to decreases in the availability of urban land and the number of informal squatters. In both cases, retrenchment became politically sustainable due to functional replacement with more conventional welfare programs. This analysis challenges the narrow focus of mainstream welfare state research, provides an explanation of retrenchment of social policy by other means, and enhances our understanding of Turkey’s uneven welfare state development. 相似文献
372.
Tim Tausendfreund Jana Knot-Dickscheit Gisela C. Schulze Erik J. Knorth Hans Grietens 《Child & Youth Services》2016,37(1):4-22
The article reviews practical experiences and theoretical reflections from the Dutch child and youth care sector on the provision of care for families with multiple problems. Emphasis is laid upon the complex relations between socioeconomic and psychosocial problems, and subsequent issues that may arise in arranging child and youth care. Furthermore, the current state of discussion in program development for the target group in the Netherlands is introduced. The originally English concept of families with multiple problems has been used only modestly in German-speaking countries. This is remarkable from an international perspective, especially considering the re-emerging prominence of social policies that define families as a site of social work practice in English-speaking countries. We conclude that the themes, as derived from our review open up possibilities for further international comparisons, and can provide valuable reference for the transnational discourse about child and youth care services for families with multiple problems. 相似文献
373.
If piracy attacks are unreported, a misleading impression is given of piracy situations in regions where there could be serious consequences for ships traveling in waterways on the assumption that they are piracy-free waters. However, sometimes not reporting piracy attacks could help to contain piracy before it expands, because reporting can lead to the media over-focusing on piratical incidents, and armed guards being deployed on ships, which causes pirates to use heavier arms and escalates the level of conflict. Piracy that took place during 2003–2012 in the north and the center of the Arabian Gulf has never been reported to the International Maritime Bureau. The present article examines this case of unreporting, and discusses its causes and consequences. 相似文献
374.
375.
From war on terror to war on weather? Rethinking humanitarianism in a new era of chronic emergencies
This special issue of Third World Quarterly makes a case for redirecting attention and resources away from the 'war on terror' and focussing as a matter of urgency on the causes and consequences of global climate change. Global climate change must be recognised as an issue of national and international security. Increased competition for scarce resources and migration are key factors in the propagation of many of today's chronic complex humanitarian emergencies. The relentless growth of megacities in natural disaster hotspots places unprecedented numbers of vulnerable people at risk of disease and death. The Earth's fragile ecosystem has reached a critical tipping point. Today's most urgent need is for a collective endeavour on the part of the international community to redirect resources, enterprise and creativity away from the war on terror and to earnestly redeploy these in seeking solutions to the far greater and increasingly imminent threats that confront us as a consequence of global climate change. 相似文献
376.
Strangely, two recent critical political histories of Indigenous affairs — by Gunstone and by Short — reproduce a structure of perception that resembles the characteristic structure of 1950s perception: a sense of outrage at the helplessness of Indigenous Australians in the face of overbearing colonial pressure, eclipsing the narrative presence of the Indigenous political agent. By returning to the work of those political scientists, sociologists and anthropologists who observed the political reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, I suggest that a richer conception of Indigenous and non-Indigenous agency is both possible and necessary. There are three interlocking topics in the writing of Indigenous political history: the changing quality of non-Indigenous engagement; the Indigenous leadership and its historical formation; the differentiated institutional response of the state. The political history of Indigenous Australians should not be reduced to a narrative of the settler colonial state's persistently limited concessions to the Indigenous grievance — important though that theme may be. 相似文献
377.
- This paper contributes to the discussion about Corporate social responsibility (CSR), competitiveness and trade policies, and how trade barriers emerge between countries already committed to CSR and those for whom CSR is still gaining ground. The authors describe the development of CSR within Europe and explain its role in shaping trade relationships. Gaining access to the European market, and obtaining the ‘licence to operate’ in light of strengthening commitment to CSR, is an issue for many companies. For countries outside the EU it is important to understand what CSR means in the European context and to recognize its implications for conducting business in the region. Further, through its economic power and resources, the EU sets standards and influences international trade norms. The authors conclude that the EU establishes CSR as a trade barrier for non‐complying companies in the terms of organizational culture, communication, capabilities and compliance.
378.
Research has shown that messages of intra-party harmony tend to be ignored by the news media, while internal disputes, especially
within the governing party, generally receive prominent coverage. We examine how messages of party conflict and cooperation
affect public opinion regarding national security, as well as whether and how the reputations of media outlets matter. We
develop a typology of partisan messages in the news, determining their likely effects based on the characteristics of the
speaker, listener, news outlet, and message content. We hypothesize that criticism of a Republican president by his fellow
partisan elites should be exceptionally damaging (especially on a conservative media outlet), while opposition party praise
of the president should be the most helpful (especially on a liberal outlet). We test our hypotheses through an experiment
and a national survey on attitudes regarding the Iraq War. The results show that credible communication (i.e., “costly” rhetoric
harmful to a party) is more influential than “cheap talk” in moving public opinion. Ironically, news media outlets perceived
as ideologically hostile can actually enhance the credibility of certain messages relative to “friendly” news sources.
相似文献
Tim GroelingEmail: |
379.
Who blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that policymakers have a preference for shifting blame onto actors on a different level from themselves. In line with the second, we suppose that opportunities for doing so depend on institutional responsibility for policymaking and policy implementation. We check the plausibility of our integrated model by examining policymakers' blame attributions in three cases where European Union migration policies have been contested: border control, asylum, and welfare entitlements. We find that our integrated model does better in explaining blame‐shifting in these cases than the isolated models. 相似文献
380.
Regional powers such as China, India, Russia, and to a lesser degree Brazil and South Africa, now occupy a significant role on the world stage. The United States, while still enjoying superpower status, has taken note. At the same time, the transnational nature of the challenges facing the world will require multilateral and bilateral co-operation perhaps unprecedented in modern history. How will the United States respond to these new requisites within the context of this changed world? While it is too early to assess the Obama administration's foreign policy substantively, it looks to be adopting an approach emphasising the building of consensus and multilateralism in its international engagement. Moreover, there is reason to expect that it will actively seek a more constructive set of relationships with regional powers. United States domestic political constraints may yet hamper Obama in this new approach, as might the type of response the new administration receives from old and new powers to its overtures. Whether the changes are more in tone than substance remains to be seen. 相似文献