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171.
Willard M. Oliver 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2001,26(1):1-21
The theory of symbolic politics is used to examine presidential executive orders related to criminal justice policy. It is
hypothesized that presidents use executive orders to make more of a symbolic, rather than a substantive, statement. Data were
collected from the National Archives and Records Administration on all presidential executive orders from the first Eisenhower
administration (1953) through the last Clinton administration (2001). A content analysis of presidential executive orders
related to crime and justice offers partial support for the claim that presidents use these executive orders primarily for
evoking symbols.
The author would like to thank Dr. Matthew J, Franck for his review of an earlier draft of this paper and the anonymous reviewers
for sharing their helpful comments. 相似文献
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Peter Neumann 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):154-171
The article explores the relationship between the British government and the Irish Republican movement. In contrast to the established view, it argues that the British government had never had any objection to the inclusion of Republicans into a political settlement, and that – therefore – there was no need for any significant changes in government policy during the 1990s. Far from being an obstacle to inclusion, the British government's political strategy not only provided an incentive for the IRA to cease its military campaign, but also the opportunity to follow it up with an equitable political process, resulting in the Belfast Agreement. 相似文献
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Oliver Turner 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(7):1193-1208
This article examines the modern day role and purpose of the UN Special Committee on Decolonization. Since its establishment in the 1960s the Committee has helped numerable former colonies achieve independence. Today, with very few ‘colonised’ Non-Self-Governing Territories remaining its work appears almost complete. However, serious flaws have always pervaded its decolonisation strategy; which are now more apparent than ever. The Committee retains narrow and outdated understandings of colonialism and, as a result, fails to recognise how widespread and pervasive global colonial forces remain. This makes its goal of universal decolonisation both unsatisfactory and misguided. The Committee’s problematic approach towards decolonisation stems from its participation within the ‘North–South Theatre’, in which antagonism is perpetuated between the world’s developed and less developed states. The paper argues that the Committee has not prioritised colonised peoples in the way it has always claimed, but instead worked principally in the interests of itself and its members. 相似文献
180.
Peter R. Neumann 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(6):431-459
The purpose of this article is to inform the debate about strategies and options for countering online radicalization within the U.S. domestic context. Its aim is to provide a better understanding of how the Internet facilitates radicalization; an appreciation of the dilemmas and tradeoffs that are involved in countering online radicalization within the United States; and ideas and best practices for making the emerging approach and strategy richer and more effective. It argues that online radicalization can be dealt with in three ways. Approaches aimed at restricting freedom of speech and removing content from the Internet are not only the least desirable, they are also the least effective. Instead, government should play a more energetic role in reducing the demand for radicalization and violent extremist messages—for example, by encouraging civic challenges to extremist narratives and by promoting awareness and education of young people. In the short term, the most promising way for dealing with the presence of violent extremists and their propaganda on the Internet is to exploit their online communications to gain intelligence and gather evidence in the most comprehensive and systematic fashion possible. 相似文献