全文获取类型
收费全文 | 17501篇 |
免费 | 1314篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 716篇 |
工人农民 | 566篇 |
世界政治 | 1268篇 |
外交国际关系 | 508篇 |
法律 | 12553篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 110篇 |
政治理论 | 2986篇 |
综合类 | 107篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 402篇 |
2019年 | 411篇 |
2018年 | 490篇 |
2017年 | 561篇 |
2016年 | 571篇 |
2015年 | 521篇 |
2014年 | 499篇 |
2013年 | 1776篇 |
2012年 | 387篇 |
2011年 | 493篇 |
2010年 | 640篇 |
2009年 | 605篇 |
2008年 | 416篇 |
2007年 | 387篇 |
2006年 | 490篇 |
2005年 | 383篇 |
2004年 | 392篇 |
2003年 | 363篇 |
2002年 | 329篇 |
2001年 | 695篇 |
2000年 | 565篇 |
1999年 | 485篇 |
1998年 | 233篇 |
1997年 | 189篇 |
1996年 | 168篇 |
1995年 | 199篇 |
1994年 | 221篇 |
1993年 | 196篇 |
1992年 | 342篇 |
1991年 | 364篇 |
1990年 | 344篇 |
1989年 | 365篇 |
1988年 | 312篇 |
1987年 | 303篇 |
1986年 | 316篇 |
1985年 | 339篇 |
1984年 | 311篇 |
1983年 | 287篇 |
1982年 | 216篇 |
1981年 | 199篇 |
1980年 | 176篇 |
1979年 | 244篇 |
1978年 | 158篇 |
1977年 | 129篇 |
1976年 | 113篇 |
1975年 | 114篇 |
1974年 | 125篇 |
1973年 | 114篇 |
1972年 | 93篇 |
1971年 | 90篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 9 毫秒
61.
62.
Misidentification syndromes have been studied from a variety of perspectives, including phenomenological, biological, and nosological approaches. More recently, misidentification syndromes have been studied from a psychiatric-legal perspective, especially with regards to the problem of dangerousness. Capgras syndrome and other syndromes of misidentification can lead to hostile mood and subsequent physical violence. Little attention has so far been devoted to children as the objects of the psychotic person's misidentification delusion(s). We provide a review of cases from the anglophonic literature that have children as the misidentified objects, add three new cases, and then discuss the relationship between misidentification and potential harm to these children. 相似文献
63.
In many countries it is left to the discretion of the court to accept or reject conclusions based on sampling procedures as applied to the total drug exhibit. As an alternative to this subjective approach, a statistical basis is presented using binomial and hypergeometric distributions to determine a lower limit for the proportion of units in a population which contains a drug, at a given confidence level. A method for calculating the total weight of a drug present in a population within a given confidence interval is also presented. In the event of no failures (all units sampled contain a drug), a sample size of six or seven units is generally sufficient to state that a proportion of at least 0.70 of the population contains a drug at a confidence level of at least 90%. When failures do occur in the sample, point estimation is used as the basis for selecting the appropriate sample size. 相似文献
64.
Marsha B. Liss 《Law and human behavior》1992,16(4):463-471
During the past decade the field of psychology of law has changed considerably. Accompanying the growth of research and practice, there has been an increase in offerings of courses in this field. The courses are offered at both undergraduate and graduate levels and cover a wide spectrum of interests. The types of courses currently being offered and the student samples enrolling in the courses are examined. In addition, a review of the major textbooks used in the courses is provided. 相似文献
65.
66.
Editors Note: This commentary touches on an aspect of technology transfer to the Third World that often is neglected: Can
the technology recipients afford to use it? Although the authors focus on the economics of shrimp production by subsistence
farmers, affordability is one of the major concomitant issues of transfer from developed to developing countries. 相似文献
67.
D M Fox 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》1990,15(2):341-355
HIV infection is now perceived as the end stage of a chronic disease that is spreading most rapidly among blacks and Hispanics. The politics of the HIV epidemic in the 1980s were dominated by four interacting factors: fear and fascination; who had the disease and to whom it seemed to be spreading; the endemic problems of United States social policy; and the impact on policy of advances in scientific knowledge. This paper analyzes the political history of each of these factors and describes the dominant policies of the federal government and the states regarding HIV in the areas of surveillance, prevention, research, and financing. Four uncertainties will have a profound influence on the future politics of the HIV epidemic: how the states and the federal government will address the general problems of paying for the care of people with chronic diseases and providing access to care for the uninsured and the underinsured; the number and distribution of the sexual behaviors that transmit infection with HIV and the effectiveness of policies to persuade people to modify these behaviors; precisely who uses addictive drugs and the effectiveness of measures to change their behavior; and the natural history of the virus. 相似文献
68.
69.
70.
B. C. Koh 《East Asia》1994,13(2):61-74
North Korea’s foreign policy track record in the post-cold war era is mixed. Most notable setbacks are the diplomatic normalization between the Soviet Union (now Russia) and South Korea; the reversal of its UN policy that paved the way for the simultaneous admission of the two Korean states to the world organization; and the diplomatic normalization between China and South Korea. On the credit side of Pyongyang’s diplomatic ledger are changes in its relations with Tokyo and Washington. While tangible results have yet to materialize, particularly in North Korea-Japan relations, the groundwork has nonetheless been laid for significant improvement. North Korea’s suspected nuclear weapons development program has played a major role in the unfolding of its relations with the United States. Conceptually, North Korean foreign policy can be explained in terms of its quest for three interrelated goals: security, legitimacy, and development. In the post-cold war era security appears to have emerged as the most important of the three goals. North Korea is at a crossroads. The choices it makes in foreign policy will determine not only the direction of its domestic policy but, ultimately, the survival of the regime itself. The external players in Seoul, Washington, Tokyo, Beijing, Moscow, and Vienna (the IAEA) have varying degrees of leverage over Pyongyang’s policy as well. 相似文献