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JAMES W. DAVIS PETER J. PECORA CHARLEY JOYCE LOWELL FLEMMER JAMES EDMONDSON JOY CEGERHARDT KENT HENDERSON GLEN PADDOCK NICOLE S. LE PROHN TROY ARMSTRONG 《Juvenile & family court journal》1997,48(3):17-32
Specialized Family Care (SFC) provides planned, long term family foster care to youth who have been adjudicated as delinquent and who are at high risk of on-going delinquent behavior following their transition into the community from correctional confinement. The program is funded and operated through a collaborative arrangement among The Casey Family Program-Bismarck Division, the North Dakota Department of Human Services (DHS) and the North Dakota Division of Juvenile Services (DJS). Specially recruited, trained and supported foster families work closely with a dual case management system of services provided by SFC social workers and DJS case managers responsible for community-based aftercare. Individual case plans for youth involve a mix of intensive aftercare programming for delinquent behaviors, individually designed intervention strategies, intensive supervision, and intensive casework. This article discusses the program model, implementation challenges, costs and preliminary outcomes. 相似文献
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In both public and scholarly debates, globalisation has recently been accredited with a massive impact on the political preferences and electoral behaviour of Western citizens. Some go as far as to declare a new cleavage between winners and losers of globalisation, driven, for example, by individuals’ exposure to international competition and their degree of national as opposed to cosmopolitan identification. Extant tests of this argument have, however, relied on class and education as proxies for these processes. In contrast, this study provides a direct test of the influence of the globalisation processes on attitudes to economic distribution, the European Union and immigration as well as on vote choice across nine West European countries. The results show that variables tapping the core aspects of globalisation have relatively little impact on attitudes and vote choice; are largely unable to account for the effects of class and education; and do not seem to lead to the establishment of new divisions between winners and losers within or across classes. Rather, the winners and losers of globalisation seem to be the traditional winners and losers with respect to material positions and political influence in modern Western societies – that is, those placed higher as opposed to lower in the class and education hierarchies. In this way, the proposed cleavage between winners and losers of globalisation may seem to be rather much like old wine in new bottles. 相似文献
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Nationalism has been a key, but generally overlooked, component of twentieth‐century Paraguayan politics and an important explanatory factor in the country’s political outcomes. Indeed, it has been central to the struggle for political power, most significantly to the continuing hegemony of the Colorado Party. This article traces the development of the Paraguayan Left, highlighting its structural and functional weaknesses, and analyses its relationship with nationalism, in particular with the dominant Colorado nationalist discourse. It argues that an important failure of the Left – and indeed other political parties and movements – has been its inability to produce a successful challenge to this hegemonic discourse. 相似文献