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71.
This paper explores the parliamentary activity of six Canadian prime ministers from St Laurent to Mulroney. Employing Hansard, each parliamentary utterance by a prime minister from 1949 to 1993 has been coded into one of four categories: answers to questions, speeches delivered, statements made and other interventions. Voting records have also been coded. Employing this database, the analysis compares and contrasts the prime ministers in terms of their political personalities and explores the overall scope and character of prime‐ministerial activism in the House throughout the past 40 years. Canadian profiles are compared with already existing British data in order to test generalisations concerning the diminishing presence of prime ministers in parliaments in Canada and Britain. 相似文献
72.
73.
Paul Johnson 《Journal of law and society》2013,40(2):249-279
Despite differences between the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) in terms of the substantive rights guaranteed and machineries to enforce them, both instruments have been foundational in the establishment of organizations that share a common history of rejecting human rights complaints from homosexuals. Although the contemporary jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on homosexuality may contrast sharply with that of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACtHPR) and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACmHPR) – because the ACtHPR and ACmHPR have never upheld a complaint relating to sexual orientation – the early history of the ECtHR and the former European Commission on Human Rights (ECmHR) mirrors the current African stance. This article explores what those seeking to develop gay and lesbian rights in Africa might usefully learn from the historical evolution of similar rights under the ECHR. 相似文献
74.
Paul Kubicek 《欧亚研究》2019,71(5):840-855
AbstractThere is a widespread fear that Islamist and ‘extremist’ orientations are gaining strength in Central Asia, particularly among younger people. This article, examining data from a 2011–2012 survey in the region, finds little evidence to support this proposition. While there is sizeable support for some Islamist beliefs, age is not a strong predictor of such orientations. Interestingly, assertions that Central Asian youth are more likely to feel marginalised or dissatisfied with current socio-economic conditions also do not appear to hold. Overall, rural residence and low education stand out as better predictors, with various socio-economic and political assessments having mixed effects. 相似文献
75.
76.
Paul Andrew GWAZA 《人权》2015,(2):167-177
The relation between Anti-terrorism and human rights Protection is rather complicated. Based on the practices in Africa, this article analyses the conflicts and contradictions between the two. While countering terrorism, governments have to take the duty of human rights protection as well. Rights are of key importance in preventing and countering terrorism. Integrating human rights construction into antiterrorism mechanism is rather helpful in eliminating various moods of dissatisfaction which are easy to breed terrorism. 相似文献
77.
78.
Paul D. Williams 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2021,67(1):150-168
This article explores the role of Queensland voters in the 2019 Australian federal election. The article identifies five key elements of a Queensland political culture before offering evidence that the Liberal-National Coalition's exceedingly strong performance in Queensland in 2019 was not a single aberration, but one of a long and continuing pattern of electoral nonconformity. The article also argues Queensland's complex regional diversity necessitates analysis across not one or two constituencies but via six geographically, economically and demographically diverse regions. Third, the article argues the unexpectedly large swing against the Australian Labor Party in Queensland in 2019 was fuelled, overwhelmingly, by five factors, each consistent with the five core elements of a Queensland political culture. 相似文献
79.
This article employs the concepts of security culture and normlocalization to explore some of the cultural dimensions of theAfrican Union's (AU) security policies. After providing an overviewof constructivist accounts of norm socialization in internationalrelations, I use these insights to analyse the origins and developmentof the AU's security culture. The final two sections explorethe ongoing process of norm localization in relation to thetwo most recent tenets of the AU's security culture: intoleranceof unconstitutional changes of government and the responsibilityto protect principle. An awareness of the uneven and contestednature of this process helps account for the fact that althoughthese two transnational norms have been institutionalized inthe AU Charter and endorsed by the United Nations, they havebeen internalized unevenly by the AU's member states. Externaladvocates of these two norms would thus do well to help thecontinent's norm entrepreneurs build congruence between thesenorms and the AU's security culture. 相似文献
80.
Paul Vedder John Berry Colette Sabatier David Sam 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(5):642-653
Correspondence in value orientation between parents and their offspring may be due to actual transmission processes between
generations, but it may also be due to influences from the general value context in society that are common to parents and
their offspring. This common value context is referred to as Zeitgeist. The present study deals with one family relationship
value (i.e., parents’ and adolescents’ obligations toward the family). Participants were 1,252 immigrant and 726 national
adolescent–parent dyads from 10 Western countries. There were significant relationships between the value placed on family
obligations among parents and offspring, and these were independent of gender. Zeitgeist effects, both intergenerational and
intragenerational, were found. The strength of these Zeitgeist effects depended on the basis for defining Zeitgeist, either
a person’s own ethnic group or the wider community including both nationals and immigrants. For explaining national adolescents’
acceptance of their family obligations, both the ethnic and the national Zeitgeist played a role, whereas in the immigrant
groups only the ethnic Zeitgeist played a significant role. In short, in an immigration context it makes sense to distinguish
the influence of a person’s own ethnic group from the influence of the wider community, including other ethnic groups. Explanations
are suggested and implications are discussed.
相似文献
Paul VedderEmail: |