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261.
This article compares Argentine trade union laborers' and employees' notions of class and ideology. The research findings were based on one-to-one structured, but openended interviews with 110 rank and file workers of Greater Buenos Aires between 1985 and 1986. Rather than a study of union structure or labor leadership, it fleshes out workers' views beyond the factory walls and office windows. The research depicts the complex, seemingly contradictory, variety of social-democratic, liberal, and conservative values and attitudes carried by the Argentine working class. Peronism remains the ideological anchor of many workers who, nevertheless, consider themselves centrist, left or right. They are centrist in their support of a liberal-capitalist economy, left in their espousal of markedly better income distribution for workers, and right in the defense of their communities and neighborhoods. Workers' historical connections, cultural outlooks, and educational levels impact heavily upon their views of democracy and sense of class. Peter Ranis is a professor of political science at York College and the Graduate School and University Center, City University of New York. He has completedArgentine Workers: Peronism and Class Consciousness, to be published by the University of Pittsburgh Press in 1992. The research for this article was made possible by a Fulbright Senior Research Grant and several PSC/ CUNY awards between 1986 and 1990. My thanks also go to the Instituto Torcuato Di Tella of Buenos Aries and the Centro de Investigaciones Sociales Sabre el Estado y la Administracíon (CISEA) for respectively making their facilities available to me in July and August of 1987 and 1990.  相似文献   
262.
Political strategies of external support to democratization are contrasted and critically examined in respect of the United States and European Union. The analysis begins by defining its terms of reference and addresses the question of what it means to have a strategy. The account briefly notes the goals lying behind democratization support and their relationship with the wider foreign policy process, before considering what a successful strategy would look like and how that relates to the selection of candidates. The literature's attempts to identify strategy and its recommendations for better strategies are compared and assessed. Overall, the article argues that the question of political strategies of external support for democratization raises several distinct but related issues including the who?, what?, why?, and how? On one level, strategic choices can be expected to echo the comparative advantage of the "supporter." On a different level, the strategies cannot be divorced from the larger foreign policy framework. While it is correct to say that any sound strategy for support should be grounded in a theoretical understanding of democratization, the literature on strategies reveals something even more fundamental: divergent views about the nature of politics itself. The recommendations there certainly pinpoint weaknesses in the actual strategies of the United States and Europe but they have their own limitations too. In particular, in a world of increasing multi-level governance strategies for supporting democratization should go beyond preoccupation with just an "outside-in" approach.  相似文献   
263.
This article analyses exchange relationships involving public police agencies and external institutions. It specifies three general forms of exchange (Coercion, Sale and Gift), then observes that, in practice, the three may not be mutually exclusive. It identifies ambiguities that may exist within exchange relationships, and discusses the implications of these for three important aspects of police performance: efficiency or value for money; equity in the distribution of police services; and the legitimacy of the police organisation. The article concludes that managing ambiguity in exchange relations has become a challenge of 21st century policing, and that police are well advised to have elaborate guidelines in place to govern their exchange relations.  相似文献   
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Graduate programs in public policy offer a variety of ethics courses focusing on framework theories, topical applications, and duties of office. Brown gives four reasons for making these types of courses an integral part of education for public service: they provide a common civic vocabulary; they give an essential perspective on analytical techniques; they challenge students' own presuppositions about public policy; and they help distinguish between empirical and conceptual issues. He argues that the growing emphasis in the policy programs on public management further enhances the importance of education in ethics, and that the current dearth of such courses in some programs seriously impedes their graduates.  相似文献   
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Literatur     
Ohne Zusammenfassung  相似文献   
268.
Peter A. Lawler 《Society》2010,47(5):419-423
Celebrity, being often unearned and ephemeral, is the lowest form of fame. Nevertheless, it’s a real and fascinating display of personal significance in our time. Celebrities are, of course, questionable role models, but characters of strange and singular greatness such as Elvis and Michael Jackson, everyone knows, aren’t really to be imitated. Celebrities, although they often have interesting political and spiritual opinions, are easily distinguished from political leaders. Celebrity, I show, is more a downside than not of democracy.  相似文献   
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