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The efforts of the Liberal government led by John Gorton to acquire a locally built nuclear deterrent stretch back into the 1950s when Robert Menzies preferred to rely on the American or British nuclear umbrella for protection. Gorton took a different view and the advocates of an independent Australian nuclear capability rejoiced upon his elevation to the Liberal leadership. We argue that Gorton's ambitions advanced as far as they did in the latter 1960s due to the support, or urgings, from an informal coalition of scientists (particularly Philip Baxter) and discontented fringes of the parliamentary Liberal Party. In particular, the maverick backbencher, W.C. Wentworth, played a key role in mobilising support for Gorton's controversial quest to acquire an independent nuclear capacity.  相似文献   
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The police are one of the mostauthoritative and visible agents of thecriminal law; yet, they have often beenconceptualized in an ``unofficial' way, aspseudo-parental figures, counselors, andmediators – and as inkblots that evoke a widerange of reactions from citizens, from anxietyand rage to fear. Explanations for these typesof reactions have been overly impressionistic,speculative, and psychological. In this note, Iconsider the notion of the police as``Rorschach-in-uniform.' By using data fromroutine traffic stops, I demonstrate how thesummons/answer sequence that is commonly foundin social and bureaucratic encounters isreduced and adapted to meet the situationalrelevancies of police work. I argue that it isthrough the semiotic summons that the Rorschachis given a practical embodiment.  相似文献   
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This article describes the design and implementation of a technology commercialization course at a major research university. It discusses the integration between the scientific research enterprise and the business of innovation through an practice based course, the resources required, the challenges encountered, and the results of the initiative. Policy implications from the lessons learned are discussed. Suggestions on how such a program could be implemented in other institutions of higher learning, together with thoughts on future directions and improvements are offered.  相似文献   
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This article utilizes original survey and interview data to explore why norms governing lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights mobilize an active resistance in some cases and not in others. Based on a comparison of Poland and Slovenia, this article shows that differing perceptions of threat define the way international norms are received in distinct domestic realms. Threat perception is heightened in cases where religion is historically embedded in the essence of the popular nation. In Poland, the Catholic Church created a role for itself as a symbol of the nation. There, the domestic opposition succeeded in framing a narrative that linked LGBT rights to external forces threatening national values. By contrast, the Catholic Church in Slovenia could neither maintain nor (re-)establish similarly strong ties to the popular nation, stifling the opposition's ability to mobilize a robust popular resistance. Whether resistance is effectual, however, is a related but separate question. The data suggest that resistance produced in high-threat contexts can be self-defeating in that it enhances the salience of the norm in the domestic setting.  相似文献   
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