Women,Wives and the Campaign Against Pit Closures in County Durham: Understanding the Vane Tempest Vigil

The majority of the women who campaigned to save the Vane Tempest Colliery from closure in 1993 were involved because of their political understanding and allegiances rather than as a consequence of their practical involvement in mining life. Even those women who were married to miners did not conform to the stereotypical conception of ‘miner's wife’. However, the supporting labour movement and the media persisted in conceptualizing the Women's Vigil through romantic and masculinist discourses of miners and mining communities which could only locate the women as ‘wives’, which confined the campaign within historical stereotypes no longer appropriate to the actual situation and which persistently set the idea of socialism against that of feminism. This not only situated the women's campaign as secondary and subject to that of the NUM but it also subverted the possibilities of the women fully articulating their own experience and understanding within the campaign. The situation was further complicated by memories of the miners' strike of 1984-5 in which women played such an important role. One aspect of this role, that of maintaining mining families in the face of hardship, continued to inform understanding of the women's role in the fight to prevent closure, although it was no longer appropriate.The Women's Vigil engaged with a much wider set of concerns and with a wider range of individuals and groups than did that of the miners themselves. There were serious possibilities for broadening the political campaign around the women's slogan of ‘Jobs, community and environment’ which were never fully exploited because of the difficulties of admitting that women could inhabit any position other than that of ‘miners’ wives'.This experience of the Vane Tempest Vigil indicates the significance and the centrality of gender issues within class based political action.     

Spectral enhancement of leucocrystal violet treated footwear impression evidence in blood

The results presented demonstrate the capacity for spectral enhancement to substantially improve the forensic examination of footwear impressions in blood treated with leucocrystal violet (LCV). The UV-Vis absorption spectra were generated of (i) an aqueous solution of leucocrystal violet, (ii) leucocrystal violet in 3% H(2)O(2), (iii) LCV working solution and (iv) whole blood added to LCV working solution. The resultant fluorescence emission spectra were subsequently generated (lambda(ex)=630nm, lambda(em)=661-900nm). The results indicate that the UV-Vis absorption spectra of an unbuffered solution of whole blood with LCV working solution produces a strong absorbance curve with a maxima at 630nm. Subsequent excitation at this wavelength and generation of the emission spectrum in the fluorescence mode indicates that a solution of whole blood added to LCV working solution is an extremely weak fluorophore. Therefore, to enable an adequate and timely enhancement of blood impression evidence treated with LCV utilising either visible fluorescence or infrared luminescence requires (i) selection of the most appropriate excitation wavelength (lambda(ex)) and emission wavelength (lambda(em)) with extremely narrow band pass filters, which in the absence of substrate matrix interference is excitation at 630nm producing the emission maxima at 665nm and (ii) a visual enhancement system such as a CCD colour IR video camera with image integration.     

Estimating the extent of Medicaid spend-down in nursing homes

Although it is commonly thought that a very high proportion of private-pay nursing home patients become eligible for Medicaid during their stay, few national studies have been conducted to determine the extent of Medicaid "spend-down." The discharged resident survey of the 1985 National Nursing Home Survey was analyzed to determine the extent of spend-down among elderly nursing home patients during a single nursing home episode, the proportion of patients who remained Medicaid or private payers throughout their stay, and how the measures varied by patient characteristics. Overall, during a single nursing home episode only 10 percent of nursing home patients who entered as private payers received Medicaid at discharge. Roughly one-third of nursing home patients remained on Medicaid throughout their stay, and another third remained private payers throughout their stay.     

Gender and Class Negotiations in an Edwardian Welfare Organisation: a Tale of Two Women

This article considers the role played by two women in the establishment of a ‘Waifs Rescue Agency and Street Vendors’ Club’, opened for boys in the East End of Sunderland in 1902. The parts played by the women enabled the male managers to resolve tensions relating to discourses of ‘rescue’ associated with a Barnardo model of social work, and the realities of the practical need of local boys for a place of recreation more appropriate to club work. The club minutes illustrate the association between middle‐class female power and the caring aspects of child rescue enshrined within social work. Resistance of local families to rescue afforded a place for working‐class female intervention but only if it remained invisible and under the protection of the middle‐class female presence. The story of the two women explains how institutional masculine power was reasserted through a reconfiguration of practices and relationships.     

America's “Maginot Line” Defense Against Terror

Though anti‐American terrorism springs these days as much from Yemen and the “virtual ummah” as from Afghanistan, President Obama has nontheless further committed US troops to stabilizing a country well‐known as the graveyard of empires. What can the only Muslim country that belongs to NATO offer by way of advice? How best can the US keep its focus on the terrorist threat despite its diversion in Afghanistan? Turkey's former envoy to Afghanistan and two of Europe's leading experts on Islamist terrorism offer their views.     

The debate over south Africa's foreign policy

South Africa is no exception to the rule that there tends to be continuity in a state's foreign policy even in the event of far‐reaching domestic political change. But given the new South Africa's debt to a global human rights campaign, the emphasis on ‘staking out the moral high ground’ in the rhetoric of the country's new decision‐makers and of commentators is not surprising. The article discusses the creative tension between the claims of morality and the constraints of realpolitik in the debate on the formulation of the new South Africa's foreign policy. It identifies both differences and overlaps in the approaches of realists and radicals to the conduct of the country's foreign policy.