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ROBERT C. HOLLAND 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):97-109
Fraud is generally defined as the practice of obtaining credit and property from another by means of deception. When the object of deception used is a valueless cheque, then the conduct is called ‘cheque fraud.’ Cheque fraud is a crime; but unlike other types of crime, such as crimes involving force, cheque fraud is under reported to the police. The reasons for the under reporting are diverse and mean that only about 15% of all offences come to the attention of the police. An Australian study conducted to survey reasons for this under reporting revealed that a major factor affecting victims' reactions to cheque fraud was their ignorance of police functions and an uncertainty whether the passing of valueless cheques could constitute a crime. The results of this study are reported herein. 相似文献
473.
ROBERT PARKINSON 《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(12):53-53
正THE week-long National Day holiday at the beginning of October is a firm favorite among Chinese employees.It is a prime time for them to ask for leave to go traveling or visit relatives in other cities.However,if you are about to write an email to your Chinese boss to ask for 20 days of annual leave to travel somewhere in China,then I really have to stop you right 相似文献
474.
In this article we explore the structural shifts which help explain the emergence of UKIP as a major radical‐right political force in Britain. There are two distinct, but related, aspects to this story. The first is the changes to Britain's economic and social structure that have pushed to the margins a class of voters who we describe as the ‘left behind’: older, working‐class, white voters with few educational qualifications. The second is long‐term generational changes in the values that guide British society and shape the outlook of voters. These value shifts have also left older white working‐class voters behind, as a worldview which was once seen as mainstream has become regarded as parochial and intolerant by the younger, university‐educated, more socially liberal elites who define the political consensus of twenty‐first‐century Britain. We then move to consider the political changes that have further marginalised these voters, as first Labour and then the Conservatives focused their energies on recruiting and retaining support from middle‐class, moderate swing voters. Finally, we show how UKIP has developed into an effective electoral machine which looks to win and retain the loyalties of these voters. Finally, we discuss the longer‐term implications of the radical‐right revolt, which has the potential to change the nature of party competition in Britain in the 2015 election and beyond. 相似文献
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This article examines whether the UK Freedom of Information Act 2000 has changed Whitehall. Based on a two‐year, ESRC‐funded study, it evaluates the impact of FOI on five characteristics of the Whitehall model: the culture of secrecy, ministerial accountability to Parliament, civil service neutrality, the Cabinet system, and effective government. Proponents of FOI hoped that government would be less secretive, more accountable and more effective; critics feared that civil servants would lose their anonymity, and collective Cabinet responsibility would be undermined. Drawing on interviews, media analysis, case law and official documents, the article finds that the impact of FOI is modest at most. It is not powerful enough to do much good or much ill, and the feared ‘chilling effect' on candour and record‐keeping has not materialized. Leaks do more damage than FOI disclosures. But ministers remain apprehensive about the effect of FOI on Cabinet records and discussions. 相似文献