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71.
This study had three purposes: to explore psychological characteristics of animal abusers (criminal thinking styles, empathy, and personality traits), to replicate previously reported results (past illegal actions, bullying behavior), and to examine potential gender differences. The self-reported animal abuser group was 29 college students who reported two or more incidents of animal abuse; controls were 29 college students matched on age and gender. Participants completed self-report measures of criminal thinking, illegal behaviors, bullying, empathy, and the five-factor personality traits. Results indicated animal abusers had more previous criminal behaviors, were more likely to bully, and had the highest scores on the power orientation criminal thinking scale. Abuser by gender interactions were detected; female animal abusers scored significantly higher on several measures of criminal thinking, were found to be more likely to bully, and exhibited lower scores on measures of perspective taking and empathy compared to female controls. 相似文献
72.
Colleges and universities across the US have prioritized minority enrollments in their recruitment strategies, but theories offer to possible outcomes of increasing diversity on campus-increased racial harmony or increased racial tension. This study examines the impact of racial diversity on the reported number of hate crimes that occur on campus. Findings suggest that those schools that are most successful in recruiting the hardest to recruit minorities (Black and Latino students) report fewer hate crimes on campus. Implications for campus climate and racial dynamics on campus, as well as future research, are discussed. 相似文献
73.
Katrina Rebecca Bloch Rodney L. Engen Kylie L. Parrotta 《Criminal Justice Studies》2014,27(4):419-438
This study examines the intersection of offenders’ race and gender in the sentencing process using data on felony cases sentenced in North Carolina. Analyses examine the likelihood that charges were reduced in severity between initial filing and conviction, the likelihood of imprisonment, and the length of sentence imposed, and test whether race affects punishment similarly for men and women. Results indicate that status characteristics predict both reductions in charge severity and the severity of the final sentence, and that racial disparity is conditional on gender. However, the results are not entirely consistent with predictions derived from the extant literature. Gender significantly predicts case outcomes at each stage, but black men were not uniformly disadvantaged, and black women received the least severe treatment in two out of four analyses. Theoretical implications for the intersection of race and gender in sentencing theories are discussed. 相似文献
74.
Martine B. Powell Carolyn H. Hughes-Scholes Rebecca Smith Stefanie J. Sharman 《Police Practice and Research》2014,15(4):283-292
We present three studies examining the role of prior job experience in interviewing and interviewers' ability to learn open-ended questions during a training program. We predicted a negative relationship such that more experienced interviewers would perform worse after training than less experienced interviewers, and that (irrespective of baseline performance) the more experienced interviewers would improve the least during training. These predictions were made for two reasons. First, specific questions are commonly used in the workplace (i.e. open-ended questioning constitutes new learning). Second, experience in the use of specific questions potentially interferes with newly learned open-ended questions. Overall, our predictions were supported across different participant samples (including police officers specialized in child abuse investigation and social workers from the child protection area), time delays, and modes of training. The results highlight the need for investment in ongoing investigative interviewing training commencing early during professionals' careers, prior to the establishment of long-term habits in the use of specific questions. 相似文献
75.
Rebecca Richards 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(6):1067-1083
AbstractEven in the context of a relatively flourishing state, fragility can be an enduring feature of a political system, particularly in the case of recently established or unrecognised states. This article examines the nature of state-building in a specific context to question the assumption that forms of hybrid governance or pre-existing forms of governance are a necessary evil to be tolerated but which needs ultimately to be overcome during state-building. It does this by adopting the language of resilience and focusing on the case of Somaliland to highlight the role of clan governance as a mechanism of political resilience and as a means of promoting the flexibility required for state-building. Yet, at the same time, the process of state-building often involves formalising governance and limiting the role of traditional social-political forms of governance such as clans, ignoring their role in legitimating and stabilising the political system. However, as this article argues, stability and fragility are inextricably linked; while the clan system has been an important force in stabilising the state, it has also become a pressure point for the state’s latent fragility. By contextualising fragility and stability within the language of resilience, though, this symbiotic relationship can be better analysed. 相似文献
76.
ABSTRACTThis paper offers some reflections on the possible consequences of Brexit for legal education in Scotland. Scotland’s small and distinctive legal system is bolstered by devolved legislative powers and characterised by a tradition of openness to external influences. Scotland’s legal system and relatedly, its legal education system, will be poorer for Brexit. That said, this paper argues that the features and traditions of the legal system and legal higher education system in Scotland make them well placed (and perhaps better placed than those in the other domestic jurisdictions) to resist such dampening pressures and indeed to embrace EU legacies and other European and international influences. 相似文献
77.
Rebecca Fasselt 《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2018,19(4):375-397
The possibility of an emancipated politics in chick lit novels remains a contested question among postfeminist critics. Drawing on definitions of postfeminism as a transnational sensibility, this article examines South African chick lit in relation to what has been termed post-truth or trickster politics in the context of the rise of politicians, such as Donald Trump. I read Angela Makholwa’s novel The Blessed Girl as an example of African chick lit that features a blessee narrator, a young woman who lives a luxurious lifestyle financed by older men, who is deeply influenced by a Trumpian mode of self-making. By employing a trickster aesthetic and narrative strategies, such as unreliable narration and reader address, the novel, I argue, however also unsettles established parameters of neoliberal girlpower, moving beyond its assumed anti-politicalness, as well as a simple understanding of the blessee figure through either a lens of victimhood or amorality. 相似文献
78.
AbstractThis article pieces together the activism of the British welfare worker and feminist-pacifist Emily Hobhouse (1860–1926) during two largely unrecorded episodes of transnational activism: firstly, her ministry of Cornish miners in Virginia, Minnesota, in the United States; and secondly, her interventions during the period of reconstruction following the South African War (1899–1902). The article endeavors to contextualize Hobhouse’s activism and offer a broader understanding of the limitations and restraints on her actions. Ultimately, her activism required a platform that was in the gift of political actors and establishment figures, and dependent on fluctuations within specific political and bureaucratic situations. Based on close inspection of undocumented material in both South African and British archives, the article investigates Hobhouse’s repertoire of missionary and philanthropic roles within a wider context of humanitarian politics. It demonstrates how women’s activism and their behind-the-scenes politicking informed political decision-making in modern imperial and international affairs. 相似文献
79.
Cynthia F. Rizo Ariel Reynolds Rebecca J. Macy Dania M. Ermentrout 《Journal of family violence》2016,31(7):833-848
This article reports findings from a qualitative follow-up investigation of a mandated parenting and safety program for system-involved female IPV survivors. Participants were contacted 12 months or more after program completion and invited to participate in individual interviews. The interviews focused on the longer-term life changes survivors attributed to the program. Data were collected from 38 survivors. Qualitative analysis determined 4 key themes: relationship changes (e.g., most women were no longer with abusive partners), parenting changes (e.g., improved communication and discipline strategies), personal life changes (e.g., improved help-seeking and self-esteem), and new or ongoing challenges (e.g., financial stress). Overall, findings suggest that tailored, mandated programming — when positive and empowering — may lead to some longer-term beneficial outcomes. 相似文献
80.
Rebecca Kristen Wrock 《Contemporary Justice Review》2016,19(2):267-279
AbstractIn America, we like to say that we live in a democracy. Yet, it is difficult to believe that the majority would allow current practices to continue if citizens knew how the food animals they eat are treated – both during their short lives and during slaughter. The problem is that the citizens don’t know, and it is not a case of willful blindness. Take a moment to recall what you know about our meat industry. Can’t think of much? That is the goal of the meat industry: out of sight, out of mind. In several states, so called ‘Ag-Gag’ laws are designed to keep the truth from the public. In those states, it is a felony to obtain a job with the intent of being a whistle blower. The meat industry knows that if it were to be exposed, the public would demand better treatment of animals, a demand that would decrease profits for the meat industry. This paper will explain these ‘Ag-Gag’ laws in detail, explore their effect on our society, shed light on the practices that the meat industry tries – very successfully – to hide from voters and consumers, and examine the scary results that can occur when an industry is allowed to regulate itself. 相似文献