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Four reality monitoring variables were used to discriminate suspect from foil identifications in 183 actual criminal cases. Four hundred sixty-one identification attempts based on five and six-person lineups were analyzed. These identification attempts resulted in 238 suspect identifications and 68 foil identifications. Confidence, automatic processing, eliminative processing and feature use comprised the set of reality monitoring variables. Thirty-five verbal confidence phrases taken from police reports were assigned numerical values on a 10-point confidence scale. Automatic processing identifications were those that occurred “immediately” or “without hesitation.” Eliminative processing identifications occurred when witnesses compared or eliminated persons in the lineups. Confidence, automatic processing and eliminative processing were significant predictors, but feature use was not. Confidence was the most effective discriminator. In cases that involved substantial evidence extrinsic to the identification 43% of the suspect identifications were made with high confidence, whereas only 10% of the foil identifications were made with high confidence. The results of a laboratory study using the same predictors generally paralleled the archival results. Forensic implications are discussed. 相似文献
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Regina Branton Valerie Martinez‐Ebers Tony E. Carey Jr. Tetsuya Matsubayashi 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):390-402
Do protests sway public opinion? If so, why and how? To address these questions, we examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on immigration policy preferences. We use the 2006 Latino National Survey coupled with protest data to examine whether temporal and spatial exposure to the protests are associated with policy preferences. Our findings lend evidence that protest activity influences Latinos’ immigration policy preferences. However, the findings suggest the effect of protest on immigration policy preferences is not uniform across the population, but rather contingent on generational status and the intensity of protest activity at the local level. 相似文献
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在后苏联时代,俄罗斯外交政策的典型特征是情境性前后矛盾的重复出现,即立场的不对称变化以及与参与政策形成巨大反差的行为。这种不合逻辑的外交政策行为突出表现在2008年俄格冲突、北约东扩和美国计划在西欧部署导弹防御系统的过程中。传统理性主义国际关系理论都是以行为体为中心,都假设行为体的政策偏好不是易变的,所以对俄罗斯这种让人困惑的外交政策行为时缺乏解释力。外交政策受到行为体对世界的主观解读和情绪的影响。俄罗斯不被西方尊重的感觉导致了两者的冲突,俄罗斯的"愤怒"是不被尊重的感觉导致的情绪化判断,是为了显示自身的重要性而非起破坏作用。分析俄罗斯外交政策中的主观性因素,为更好地理解俄罗斯与西方关系提供了一个新的理论和分析的角度。 相似文献
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The detection of trace explosives is important for forensic, military, and homeland security applications. Detection of widely used nitroaromatic explosives (trinitrotoluene [TNT], 2,4-dinitrotoluene [DNT], picric acid [PA]) was carried out using photoluminescent metallole-containing polymers. The method of detection is through the quenching of fluorescence of thin films of the polymer, prepared by spray coating organic solutions of the polymer, by the explosive analyte. Visual quenching of luminescence (lambda(em) approximately 400-510 nm) in the presence of the explosive is seen immediately upon illumination with near-UV light (lambda(ex)=360 nm). Detection limits were observed to be as low as 5 ng for TNT, 20 ng for DNT, and 5 ng for PA. In addition, experiments with normal production line explosives and their components show that this technology is also able to detect composition B, Pyrodex, and nitromethane. This method offers a convenient and sensitive method of detection of trace nitroaromatic explosive residue. 相似文献
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J. S. McDonald Gerald A. Merwin Keith A. Merwin Regina K. Morris Edris L. Brannen 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(13):837-842
This article examines the response of U.S. county government websites to language diversity among county residents. Employing a survey of county websites and U.S. Census data, our findings reflect a general lack of Spanish language accessibility. The study finds that population size and proportion of Spanish-speaking population do not positively impact county website Spanish language accessibility. Border states from California to Florida outperform northern states. There are, however, notable exceptions to the generally negative findings of the study, especially with regard to identification of best practices and other opportunities that support efforts to become more language-inclusive. 相似文献
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Regina Lawrence 《政治交往》2013,30(3):349-350
A new form of “entertaining news,” accessed by most through television, has become a privileged domain of politics for the first time in countries “beyond the West” in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. What are the political consequences of this development: What is the relationship between media and politics in these regions? We answer these questions through a case study of India, the world's largest democracy, where two decades of media expansion and liberalization have yielded the largest number of commercial television news outlets in the world. We show why prevailing theories of media privatization and commercialization cannot account for the distinctive architecture of media systems in places like India. In this article, we first provide an overview of the historical and contemporary dynamics of media liberalization in India and the challenges that this poses to existing models and typologies of the media-politics relationship. We then present a new typology of media systems and a theoretical framework for studying the relationship between television news and democratic politics in India, and by extension in the global South. In the concluding section, we reflect on the broader comparative insights of the essay and discuss directions for future research. We believe that our alternative comparative framework captures more meaningfully the diversity and complexity of emerging media systems and their relationships to democratic practice in these regions. 相似文献
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The current study examines the impact of the challenge for cause procedure and its effectiveness in curbing racial prejudice
in trials involving Black defendants. Participants were provided with a trial summary of a defendant charged with either drug
trafficking or embezzlement. The race of the defendant was either White or Black, with participants in the Black defendant
condition receiving (prior to the trial presentation) either no challenge, a close-ended standard challenge, or a modified
reflective pretrial questioning strategy. Overall, the results revealed an anti-Black bias in judgments. While the closed
ended challenge did little to reduce this bias, the reflective format demonstrated a reduction in racial bias. Theoretical
and applied implications of these findings are discussed.
相似文献
Regina A. SchullerEmail: |