全文获取类型
收费全文 | 7111篇 |
免费 | 461篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 337篇 |
工人农民 | 221篇 |
世界政治 | 464篇 |
外交国际关系 | 231篇 |
法律 | 5002篇 |
中国政治 | 34篇 |
政治理论 | 1248篇 |
综合类 | 35篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 156篇 |
2019年 | 167篇 |
2018年 | 176篇 |
2017年 | 208篇 |
2016年 | 211篇 |
2015年 | 196篇 |
2014年 | 179篇 |
2013年 | 738篇 |
2012年 | 153篇 |
2011年 | 167篇 |
2010年 | 205篇 |
2009年 | 222篇 |
2008年 | 162篇 |
2007年 | 157篇 |
2006年 | 166篇 |
2005年 | 158篇 |
2004年 | 178篇 |
2003年 | 156篇 |
2002年 | 137篇 |
2001年 | 309篇 |
2000年 | 250篇 |
1999年 | 225篇 |
1998年 | 97篇 |
1997年 | 64篇 |
1996年 | 69篇 |
1995年 | 79篇 |
1994年 | 86篇 |
1993年 | 87篇 |
1992年 | 151篇 |
1991年 | 156篇 |
1990年 | 145篇 |
1989年 | 155篇 |
1988年 | 122篇 |
1987年 | 137篇 |
1986年 | 124篇 |
1985年 | 132篇 |
1984年 | 101篇 |
1983年 | 116篇 |
1982年 | 82篇 |
1981年 | 78篇 |
1980年 | 55篇 |
1979年 | 108篇 |
1978年 | 69篇 |
1977年 | 58篇 |
1976年 | 50篇 |
1975年 | 47篇 |
1974年 | 55篇 |
1973年 | 55篇 |
1972年 | 44篇 |
1968年 | 40篇 |
排序方式: 共有7572条查询结果,搜索用时 9 毫秒
171.
Which European Union actors are most powerful in the governance of the euro crisis? The euro crisis has reignited the classic debate between intergovernmentalists, who tend to stress the coercive power of dominant member states in the European Council, and supranationalists, who maintain that through the use of institutional power, the Commission, and the European Central Bank turned out the “winners” of the crisis. This article argues that euro crisis governance is best understood not just in terms of one form of power but instead as evolving through different constellations of coercive, institutional, and ideational power that favored different EU actors over the course of the crisis, from the initial fast‐burning phase (2010–2012), where the coercive and ideational power of Northern European member states in the European Council was strongest, to the slow‐burning phase (2012–2016), when greater influence was afforded supranational actors through the use of ideational and institutional power. 相似文献
172.
Philip B. Whyman 《The Political quarterly》2018,89(2):298-305
It is becoming increasingly accepted, not least by the Prime Minister and opposition leadership, that the negotiation of a comprehensive trade relationship with the EU is necessary to prevent the UK economy falling off a ‘cliff edge’. This concern is shaping the UK's strategy towards negotiations with the EU and has provided at least part of the motivation for the UK to consider requesting a transition period to facilitate the Brexit process. But how accurate are these fears? What evidence is there for the existence of a ‘cliff edge’? How disastrous would it be for the UK to revert to trading with the EU on the same basis as most other countries in the world, namely according to World Trade Organisation rules? This article seeks to address these issues and it highlights a number of implications for policy makers which flow from understanding the available evidence a little more clearly. 相似文献
173.
174.
What drives the polarisation and moderation of opinions? Evidence from a Finnish citizen deliberation experiment on immigration 下载免费PDF全文
MARINA LINDELL ANDRÉ BÄCHTIGER KIMMO GRÖNLUND KAISA HERNE MAIJA SETÄLÄ DOMINIK WYSS 《European Journal of Political Research》2017,56(1):23-45
In the study of deliberation, a largely under‐explored area is why some participants polarise their opinion after deliberation and why others moderate them. Opinion polarisation is usually considered a suspicious outcome of deliberation, while moderation is seen as a desirable one. This article takes issue with this view. Results from a Finnish deliberative experiment on immigration show that polarisers and moderators were not different in socioeconomic, cognitive or affective profiles. Moreover, both polarisation and moderation can entail deliberatively desired pathways: in the experiment, both polarisers and moderators learned during deliberation, levels of empathy were fairly high on both sides, and group pressures barely mattered. Finally, the low physical presence of immigrants in some discussion groups was associated with polarisation in the anti‐immigrant direction, bolstering longstanding claims regarding the importance of presence for democratic politics. 相似文献
175.
Eric B. Hodges 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(1):91-108
In what respects can military basic training affect veterans’ civic identities? According to a 2015 report published by the National Conference on Citizenship (NCoC), military service positively affects civic health. While social scientists have also noted this possible connection, little attention has been paid to how and why this link might exist. To test the purported relationship between military training and increased civic capacities, I explored the United States Marine Corps’ (USMC) Recruit Training program. I conducted 20 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 17 enlisted Marine veterans and Marine drill instructors (DI) to ascertain their perceptions of the pedagogical aspirations of their service’s recruit training. The study’s participants reported that Marine Corps Recruit Training does seek to inculcate skills, values, and habits that are consistent with a civic identity as discussed in the civic-engagement and civic-education literature. 相似文献
176.
Sarah B. K. von Billerbeck 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(3):286-305
ABSTRACTAnalyses of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping increasingly consider legitimacy a key factor for success, conceiving of it as a resource that operations should seek and use in the pursuit of their goals. However, these analyses rarely break down legitimacy by source. Because the UN is an organization with multiple identities and duties however, different legitimacy sources – in particular output and procedural legitimacy – and the UN’s corresponding legitimation practices come into conflict in the context of peacekeeping. Drawing on a range of examples and the specific case of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), this article argues that looking at different legitimacy sources and linking them to the institutional identity of the UN is thus critical, and it shows how the UN’s contradictory legitimation practices can reduce overall legitimacy perceptions. 相似文献
177.
178.
179.
Zora Bútorová 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(4):557-578
The author analyzes Slovakia's road to democracy since the Velvet Revolution of 1989 and pays special attention to the changes
in women's position in the society. In the first section, she outlines crucial transition challenges and milestones. The second
section, central to the study, shows the last two decades in gender perspective. It starts by explaining women's lukewarm
attitudes toward gender issues both during socialism and at the threshold of the new era. The chapter discusses women's persistent
marginalization in politics, contrasting this with their active role in civil society. It cites enduring inequalities in the
labor market as well as the lingering patriarchal division of responsibilities within families and outlines changes in the
patterns of family and private life. Although women in Slovakia as well as men have become more aware of gender inequalities,
politicians have remained reluctant to embrace a “gender agenda.” A typical feature of contemporary Slovakia is the gap between
official documents promoting gender equality, approved under pressure from the European Union, and their implementation in
practice. The main actor attempting to close this gap is the pluralist sector of women's nongovernmental organizations that
has undergone remarkable growth and diversification. All these elements and processes constitute the setting in which the
2009 presidential election took place. For the first time in Slovakia's history, an incumbent president was seriously challenged
by a popular female politician. The third section of the study analyzes the gender dimensions of this unique race. 相似文献
180.
Document examiners sometimes eliminate writers on the basis of differences which are given too much weight. This article is an attempt to explain some conditions whereby differences in the writing of one individual are misinterpreted as significant differences, when they are actually caused by conditions which are unknown to the examiner. 相似文献