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Rita Di Leo 《欧亚研究》1991,43(3):429-449
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The City of Pittsburgh and Allegheny County have electrical rates which are approximately 20-23 percent above the national average and are among the highest in the U.S. The following report examines the potential impact on the Pittsburgh Region of an industrial electrical rate reduction of 15 percent in Allegheny County. Simulations show that the reduction will slow the rate of decline in manufacturing employment and cause modest increases in employment growth in other sectors of the local economy. However, the rate reduction will have almost no impact on real disposable income per capita in the Region and will also have no recession dampening effect on the Region when the nation experiences a 10 percent, two-year decline in the demand for all durable goods. All simulations are run using the 1994 Pittsburgh REMI Model. 相似文献
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Rita Pandey 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(1):33-61
Developing countries are increasingly concerned about the growing pollution levels in cities. Because of the lack of reliable information on the nature and magnitude of emissions/discharges from various industrial sources it is difficult for regulators to formulate cost-effective strategies for industrial pollution control. This article uses the Industrial Pollution Projection System database to estimate the industrial pollution load and the associated abatement cost, which can be used to design cost-effective strategies for pollution control. The article also illustrates the cost-effectiveness of market based instruments such as effluent charge vis-à-vis regulation. 相似文献
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As the links between security and development have been increasingly recognized, Security Sector Reform (SSR) has become a central part of development policy. Following a traditional Weberian conception of the state, these programmes are almost exclusively focused on the public security sector, neglecting the extent to which people in developing countries have come to rely on private security providers for their day-to-day security needs. While the reform of public security institutions is undoubtedly important, this article argues that a strict public/private distinction is a poor guide to security sector reform. Focusing on Sierra Leone and Kenya, the article argues that ‘bringing the private in’ is crucial to a comprehensive understanding of the security situation in most countries and that any attempt to ensure better security for all must take account of private actors. Private security companies and their integration into SSR matter not simply in terms of the maintenance of law and order, but also in terms of who has access to security, and ultimately, for the legitimacy of social and political orders. 相似文献
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Donal Cruise O'brien 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(4):351-378
Studies of ‘modernization’ conducted by American political scientists over the past decade (1960–70) show a shift in teleological emphasis through which democracy as a goal for developing polities has been gradually displaced by another ideal, that of institutional order. This shift in emphasis is here related (a) to an emerging pattern of political dislocation in new states; (b) to United States government policy in dealing with these states; (c) to the domestic politics of the United States, and in particular to the salience of ‘law and order’ as a political issue in the late 1960s. Preoccupied with problems of political order at home and abroad, political scientists have looked to authoritarian solutions: in some cases they have re‐examined Lenin's organizational principles, and found merit in the achievements of ‘totalitarian’ regimes which can build and maintain stable political institutions. 相似文献
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Rita Abrahamsen 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1453-1467
Development partnerships are frequently represented as a way of giving recipient countries ‘ownership’ of their development programmes, whereas critics argue that partnerships are little more than conditionality by another name. Drawing on analyses of governmentality in modern liberal societies, this article advances an alternative understanding and argues that development partnerships can be regarded as a form of advanced liberal rule that increasingly govern through the explicit commitment to the self‐government and agency of recipient states. Focusing in particular on the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), it argues that as a form of advanced liberal power, partnerships work not primarily as direct domination and imposition, but through promises of incorporation and inclusion. They derive their power through simultaneously excluding and incorporating, and by using freedom as a formula of rule partnerships help produce modern, self‐disciplined citizens and states by enlisting them as responsible agents in their own development. 相似文献
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