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181.
Democracy and Education Spending in Africa 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:3
David Stasavage 《American journal of political science》2005,49(2):343-358
While it is widely believed that electoral competition influences public spending decisions, there has been relatively little effort to examine how recent democratization in the developing world has resulted in changes in basic service provision. There have been even fewer attempts to investigate whether democracy matters for public spending in the poorest developing countries, where "weak institutions" may mean that the formal adoption of electoral competition has little effect on policy. In this article I confront these questions directly, asking whether the shift to multiparty competition in African countries has resulted in increased spending on primary education. I develop an argument, illustrated with a game-theoretic model, which suggests that the need to obtain an electoral majority may have prompted African governments to spend more on education and to prioritize primary schools over universities within the education budget. I test three propositions from the model using panel data on electoral competition and education spending in African countries. I find clear evidence that democratically elected African governments have spent more on primary education, while spending on universities appears unaffected by democratization . 相似文献
182.
George Avelino David S. Brown Wendy Hunter 《American journal of political science》2005,49(3):625-641
Empirical studies measuring the impact of globalization on social spending have appeared recently in leading journals. This study seeks to improve upon previous work by (1) employing a more sophisticated and comprehensive measure of financial openness; (2) using a more accurate measure of trade openness based on purchasing power parities; and (3) relying on social spending data that are more complete than those used by previous studies on Latin America. Our estimates suggest that several empirical patterns reported in previous work deserve a second look. We find that trade openness has a positive association with education and social security expenditures, that financial openness does not constrain government outlays for social programs, and that democracy has a strong positive association with social spending, particularly on items that bolster human capital formation. 相似文献
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We construct a model of speculative trading to examine how the mean and volatility of stock prices is affected both by government partisanship and by traders' expectations of electoral victory by the right-wing or left-wing party. Our model predicts that rational expectations of higher inflation under left-wing administrations lowers the volume of stocks traded in the stock market. The decline in trading volume leads to a decrease in the mean and volatility of stock prices not only during the incumbency of left-wing governments, but also when traders expect the left-wing party to win elections. Conversely, expectation of lower inflation under right-wing administrations leads to higher trading volume. This leads to an increase in the mean and volatility of stock prices during the tenure of right-wing governments and when traders anticipate the right-wing party to win elections. Daily and monthly data from U.S. and British equity markets between 1930 and 2000 statistically corroborate the predictions from our formal model. 相似文献
185.
Yixin Dai David Popp Stuart Bretschneider 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2005,24(3):579-598
Over the past 20 years, the number of patents assigned to universities has increased dramatically. This increase coincided with several policy initiatives, such as the Bayh‐Dole Act of 1980, designed to foster technology transfer between universities and the private sector. This paper examines the effect of such policies using an institutional framework, designed to illustrate how factors both from inside and outside of academia influence the decision to patent university research. We find passage of the Bayh‐Dole Act spurred university patenting, but did not induce additional applied research funding. Thus, Bayh‐Dole fostered technology transfer, but did not result in more applied research at universities. © 2005 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
186.
The winding down of Britain's colonial empire in the 1950s and 1960s impacted upon Australian external policy in several ways. Australia had to build diplomatic capacity in order to manage relationships with numerous newly independent states. As many of these states were non-aligned in the Cold War context, Australia had to think afresh about the problems of regional security. Decolonisation also meant the transformation of the Commonwealth into a "nest of republics", a development that hastened the demise of the older sense of organic empire and, for Robert Menzies, compromised the quality of the Anglo-Australian relationship. The effect on Australia of Britain's post-colonial restrictive immigration policy compounded this process. So too did Britain's move towards Europe. In addition there were implications for Australia's policy towards the United Nations and towards its own dependent territories. 相似文献
187.
Percy Spender's pioneering work as External Affairs Minister is often held up as a significant contribution to Liberal policy-making and Australian foreign policy more generally. A closer look at his life and thinking illuminates some of the factors behind his policy-making. Some of the more prominent, shaping factors can be organised under the headings of his overseas travels before becoming External Affairs Minister at the end of 1949; his sense that the mid-twentieth period was one in which Asia suddenly played a big role; and his determination that Australians should be proactive in their relations in their region, rather than merely reactive in foreign policy. 相似文献
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Ashli J. Sheidow Martha K. Strachan Joel A. Minden David B. Henry Patrick H. Tolan Deborah Gorman-Smith 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(7):821-829
Research examining the relationship between internalizing symptoms and antisocial behaviors has generally been cross-sectional
in design. Thus, although extant data have substantiated a strong correlation between internalizing symptoms and antisocial
behaviors, few studies have focused on describing the nature of the co-occurrence over time. This study examined the relation
between growth in internalizing symptoms and longitudinal patterns of antisocial behavior in a sample of 283 inner-city males
and their caregivers assessed as part of a longitudinal developmental risk study. Participants were assessed annually in four
waves. Non-offenders and escalating offenders had lower levels of internalizing problems at wave 1 than did chronic minor
and serious-chronic-violent offenders. Results revealed a developmental trend of decreasing internalizing problems across
study years for most participants, as would be expected, with adolescents participating in serious, chronic, and violent patterns
of antisocial behavior displaying greater internalizing problems than those participating in stable patterns of less serious
or no antisocial behavior. Further, when there was escalation of seriousness and frequency of antisocial behavior, there also
was increased internalizing problems relative to non-escalating juveniles. Results are discussed in the context of developmental
psychopathology.
相似文献
Ashli J. SheidowEmail: |