Examining macro-level impacts on procedural justice and police legitimacy

Purpose

Many studies have lent empirical support to the procedural justice model of police legitimacy; however, there has, as yet, not been widespread consideration of the potential impact of neighborhood- and community-level factors on people's perceptions of procedural justice or police legitimacy. The present study integrates the macro-level policing literature with the psychological-based procedural justice framework to uncover what effects, if any, the sociostructural environment has on procedural justice and police legitimacy.

Methods

Hierarchical linear modeling integrates census and survey data within a single, mid-sized city.

Results

Concentrated disadvantage exerted a marginally-significant impact on procedural justice, and on police legitimacy while controlling for procedural justice. Procedural justice remained the strongest predictor of legitimacy, even when accounting for macro-level characteristics.

Conclusions

The effect of procedural justice on police legitimacy appears to be robust against the deleterious impacts of concentrated disadvantage. This has implications for procedural justice research, theory, and policing.     

The Process is the Rule and the Punishment is the Process

Andrew Ashworth, The Criminal Process: An Evaluative Study , Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994, 315 pp, hb £45.00, pb £12.95. Andrew Sanders and Richard Young, Criminal Justice , London: Butterworths, 1994, 496 pp, pb £18.95.     

Screening postmortem whole blood for oxycodone by ELISA response ratios

The objective of this study was to investigate the accuracy of screening postmortem whole blood for oxycodone using the ratio of the oxycodone immunoassay response to the response for the specimen obtained with a general opiate-class immunoassay. Fifty eight specimens which were negative for opiates and 158 postmortem whole blood specimens positive for opiates including 66 specimens known to contain oxycodone were assayed. Specimens were diluted 1:5 with assay buffer and analyzed by both the Neogen Oxymorphone/Oxycodone ELISA and the Neogen Opiate Group ELISA (Neogen Corporation, Lexington KY). The oxycodone equivalents in ng/mL from the Oxymorphone/Oxycodone ELISA were divided by the morphine equivalents in ng/mL from the Opiates ELISA to obtain an Oxycodone/Opiates Response Ratio. This ratio was compared with the GC/MS data for all specimens and for opiate positive specimens. Receiver Operating Characteristic (ROC) analysis suggested that optimum relative response ratio was 2.0. The sensitivity of the ELISA response ratio for the presence of oxycodone at a response ratio cutoff of 2.0 was 89.4% +/- 3.8% and the specificity was 88.1% +/- 3.2%. Specimens with a ratio of 2.0 or higher had a greater than 50% probability (positive predictive value) of containing oxycodone in a population with a greater than 15% prevalence of oxycodone.     

Indonesian West Timor: The political-economy of emerging ethno-nationalism

Encouraged by the post-Soeharto atmosphere of reform and regional autonomy legislation proposed under Habibie, the aspirations of Indonesia's regional elites have been stirred. Yet prosperity has remained elusive for many amidst continuing economic decline and as an unreformed military continues to threaten the business ambitions of regional elites. In West Timor, one of the poorest parts of Indonesia, local elites have had to contend with the added burden of the fallout from the 1999 pro-integrationist military operation in East Tindonesian military-trained tormentors, the West Timorese have paid highly for independence in the East and sufmor. Beginning with the need to host the quarter-million East Timorese refugees who fled West accompanied by their Ifered enduring economic malaise. This is reflected in the devastation of tourism and foreign investment, the suspension of major aid projects, the severing of the air-link to Northern Australia and a United Nations high-security alert in force since 2000. This crisis in which the aspirations of regional elites have been thwarted by the neglect and incapacity of central government and by the nature and political agenda of the Indonesian military elites, has provoked several reactions. As some West Timorese elites have lobbied for a share of the East Timorese petroleum revenues, the discovery of an essential Timorese-ness by others has been manifested in the ethno-nationalist Negara Timor Raya (Nation of the Land of Timor) movement.     

The crisis of governance in New Subsistence States

In the sixty years since the establishment of the United Nations on 24^th October 1945, societies across the world have endeavoured to reshape themselves in accordance with the model of the modern state. Whereas the institutions of the modern state have proved appropriate for societies with historical experience of the production and administration of large surpluses, the adoption of state institutions presents an ongoing challenge for many other societies. Only a minority of states operate free from foreign aid, and weak states composed of stateless societies with minimal surplus generation capacity continue to face particular difficulties as they seek to adapt to the modern state system. Like other New Subsistence States, East Timor possesses grass-roots administrative capacities grounded in its village social structures. Short of the skills and resources necessary to support its formal justice system, East Timor has the option to formally integrate elements of its traditional mediation and conflict resolution capacities into the structure of the state.     

The Future of the U.S.–Australian Security Relationship

Abstract

The recent triumph of the Howard government at the polls confirms Australia’s emergence as an increasingly important ally for the United States. It is willing to be part of challenging global missions, and its strong economy and growing self-confidence suggest a more prominent role in both global and regional affairs. Moreover, its government has worked hard to strengthen the link between Canberra and Washington. Political and strategic affinities between the two countries have been reflected in—and complemented by—practiced military interoperability, as the two allies have sustained a pattern of security cooperation in relation to East Timor, Afghanistan, and Iraq in the last five years.

This growing collaboration between the two countries suggests that a reinvention of the traditional bilateral security relationship is taking place. At the core of this process lies an agreement about the need for engaging in more proactive strategic behavior in the changing global security environment, and a mutual acceptance of looming military and technological interdependence. But this new alliance relationship has already tested the boundaries of bipartisan support for security policy within Australia, and will continue to do so despite the latest election results. Issues of strategic doctrine, defense planning, and procurement are becoming topics of fiercer policy debate. Such discussion is likely to be sharpened in the years ahead as Australia’s security relationship with the United States settles into a new framework.