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241.
This paper assesses the relative importance of force employment as a cause of military victory. It focuses on the adoption of the modern system in interstate wars since 1917. Using cases, contingency tables, and regression analysis, we find that war participants who use the modern system are significantly more likely to succeed in decisive battlefield engagements. However, the modern system does not predict victory at a higher rate than more traditional unit-level explanations for combat effectiveness, suggesting that it might function as a causal mechanism linking factors like regime type and material endowments with martial capabilities. Exploring the possible links between unit-level explanations of military power and the organizational-level force employment indicators, we find that more materially powerful states and democracies tend to implement the modern system at a higher rate than other types of actors, but more extreme autocracies also frequently adopt. Combined, these findings suggest the relevance of continuing to explore how organizational-level variables impact military effectiveness. 相似文献
242.
Ryan Walter 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):94-114
Abstract The governmentality literature offers a host of insights into liberal modes of government. A key theme in this literature is that the economy came to be seen as an autonomous domain requiring its own form of governmental reason. Yet the emergence of the economy has never been specified, in terms of both what would constitute an economy and how it was constituted. Instead, the appearance of an economy has been conflated with the general rise of liberal understandings of agency. In this paper I seek to provide an alternative and more precise account. This involves showing how the importance of Smith lies not so much in his formulation of a liberal version of agency, but in the disjunction he introduces between reason of state and political oeconomy. Crucially, despite his significance, Smith's arguments do not usher in an economy. For that event we have to wait for Ricardo's problematic of distribution. This alternative account is intended to weaken the association of the rise of liberal government with the emergence of the economy as an object of thought. 相似文献
243.
Turnout is theorized to reflect elections' policy stakes. All else equal, a highly constrained policymaking context is expected to lower the potential policy stakes of a given election. This study tests if such contexts, which are characterized by multiple veto players, reduce electoral participation. According to time-series cross-sectional autoregressive dynamic lag models of turnout in 311 elections in 21 advanced industrialized democracies, additional veto players decrease turnout in both the short and long run. Moreover, the results suggest veto players conceptually fine-tune and empirically contribute to existing models of cross-national turnout. Hence this study has crucial implications for the students of electoral participation and scholars interested in the democratic outcomes of institutional design. 相似文献
244.
Ryan L. Claassen 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):369-390
To date, most models of policy motivated campaign participation claim participation derives from the intensity or extremism
of one’s policy views. I approach the policy motivation differently, generalizing the logic of proximity voting to model policy
motivated campaign participation. Modeling participation as a function of extremism captures the activist’s policy preferences
and suggests those with strong preferences participate more, while modeling participation as a function of proximity captures
both the activist’s policy preferences and the relevant comparisons to the positions of the candidates. Noting the two alternatives
lead to different predictions about variation in individual participation beyond turnout (e.g. campaign activities), I find
consistent support for a proximity model of activism and I find no independent effect of extremism once I control for proximity.
Moreover, the proximity model’s predictions about ideological responsiveness to changes in the candidates’ locations over
time prove robust, while predictions based solely on ideological extremism do not.
相似文献
Ryan L. ClaassenEmail: |
245.
Public policy is often concerned with the size and characteristics of special populations that are difficult to reach in household
surveys. Chronic drug users, who often live outside conventional households, provide the illustration motivating this paper.
An alternative to household surveys is to question chronic drug users where they congregate—jails, treatment programs, and
shelters, for example. Using such opportunistic data for prevalence estimation raises difficult problems for statistical inference:
Study subjects who arrive at the collection points cannot be deemed a random sample of the general population. However, if
we could estimate the rates at which chronic drug users arrive at the collection points, then we could use those estimates
to weight the sample to represent the population. This paper presents a modified Poisson mixture model used to estimate the
stochastic process that accounts for how chronic drug users get arrested. It uses that model to estimate arrest rates for
38 counties using up to sixteen quarters of data from the Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring survey.
相似文献
William RhodesEmail: |
246.
Angelique L. Ryan B.S. Cassandra P. O’Hern B.S. Kelly M. Elkins Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(5):1704-1708
A quick, simple, and high-yield nucleic acid isolation process is crucial for high-quality DNA analysis. The ability of the MicroGEM PDQeX phytoGEM system and Omega Bio-tek E.Z.N.A.® Plant DS Mini kit to extract PCR-ready DNA was evaluated by extracting the forensically relevant “legal high” plant species: Ipomoea purpurea, Artemisia absinthium, Mitragyna speciosa, Datura stramonium, and Papaver somniferum. The plant material was pulverized, processed using the manufacturer’s plant protocol for the PDQeX Nucleic Acid Extraction or the manufacturer’s protocol for the Omega extraction, quantified using the Invitrogen Qubit 2.0 Fluorometer, and analyzed for amplifiability by PCR using a Qiagen Rotor-Gene Q instrument and published assays. The DNA amplicons for the legal high species produced high-resolution melt curves concordant with the melts observed when DNA was isolated using the Qiagen DNeasy Plant Mini Kit in previous studies. 相似文献
247.
Megan Suzanne Irgens Keren-Or Givol Claire S. Tomlinson Ryan Davidson 《Family Court Review》2023,61(4):870-884
Using longitudinal archival Child Welfare System (CWS) data, this study describes child health and wellbeing at their initial entrance into the CWS and subsequent returns. Associations between child wellbeing, health, placement stability, and frequency of returning to the system were also investigated. Results indicated most children were healthy and developmentally on target. In addition, emotional distress, behavioral concerns, and number of placements in the CWS were significantly correlated with placement stability. Future work should utilize the use of developmental assessments to systematically and reliably document the concerns for children in the system, and investigate factors contributing to stable placements. 相似文献
248.
249.
While prior research testing Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) theory of low self-control had demonstrated a significant relationship between parenting and self-control, it had also recognized significant effects of other social factors, suggesting the etiology of self-control may be more complex than the theory specifies. In an effort to better understand this process, the current study examined first whether social factors other than parenting predicted self-control using both contemporaneous and lagged effects models, and second, whether the effect of parenting on self-control varied according to these social factors. Findings offered partial support for self-control theory. In implicit support of the theory, this study found that the effect of parenting on self-control was not conditioned by the competing social factors examined. Contrary to the theory, however, was the finding that self-control was predicted by both peer pressure and school social factors contemporaneously, even after controlling for parental monitoring. 相似文献
250.
Ryan Long 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(4):513-526
This article analyses how three Mexican novels, published between 1971 and 1999, respond to the effects of political violence on national identity. It focuses particularly on fictional representations of state-sponsored, politically motivated murder and on how survivors negotiate a social space forever changed by unsolved crimes. The article concludes that an important consequence of political violence is that it undermines the validity of systems of representation that once seemed capable of portraying the national community. Each of the three novels interpreted here adopts a different stance regarding literary language's relationship to its ever-changing sociopolitical contexts. 相似文献