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81.
The end of civil war in Mozambique has been accompanied by democratizationof political processes, as exemplified by the 1994 multi-partypresidential and parliamentary elections. Under the rubric ofdemocratization, the issue of state decentralization has alsobeen raised. Current political debates focus on what role traditionalauthority might play in local governance. Advocates arguethat traditional authority constitutes a genuinelyAfrican form of local governance, while detractors suggest thatthese institutions were irrevocably corrupted by their involvementwith the colonial administration. This article challenges notonly the black-and-white framework in which the present-daylegitimacy of traditional authorityhas been debated, but also questions the value of the term traditionalauthority itself. The article explores the diverse historiesof kin-based political institutions in Mozambique, arguing thatthe meaning and function of traditional authorityhas been transformed many times over with changes in the largerpolitical contexts in which local institutions have existed.As a result of historical events, the issue of traditionalauthority is, today, intimately bound up with the dividebetween the ruling FRELIMO party and the opposition, RENAMO.Only by approaching the issue of traditional authoritythrough an understanding of its variegated and contentious historywill policy-makers and Mozambican residents alike be able totranscend existing political divides on issues of local governance. 相似文献
82.
The power of congressional committees rests in large part on their ability to set the legislative agenda in particular issue areas. But how do committees acquire their issue jurisdictions? Existing research points to informal committee turf wars— not collective reforms—as the roots of jurisdictional allocations (King 1994, 1997). Yet the House of Representatives has made nearly 150 formal changes to its committees' jurisdictions since 1973. We investigated the effects of one prominent instance of extensive jurisdictional changes, the Bolling‐Hansen reforms of 1975, and found that this body of reforms advanced collective goals of improved policy coordination and enhanced information sharing. 相似文献
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ZYGMUNT BAUMAN AMARTYA SEN CHRIS PATTEN JACK GREENBERG JOSE RAMOS‐HORTA ROBERT MCNAMARA CORETTA SCOTT KING JUAN ARQUILLA DAVID RONFELDT PAUL KENNEDY FRANCIS FUKUYAMA MADELEINE ALBRIGHT LAURA D'ANDREA TYSON C. FRED BERGSTEN BENAZIR BHUTTO GRAHAM FULLER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU ARTHUR SCHLESINGER JR. HERBERT BIX JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI PAUL WOLFOWITZ SHINTARO ISHIHARA GRO HARLEM BRUNDTLAND VLADIMIR PUTIN WE JINGSHENG LAURENCE MEYER HALIT REFIG 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):12-13
84.
SCOTT J. SHAPIRO 《Ratio juris》2009,22(3):326-338
In this paper, I present a new argument against inclusive legal positivism. As I show, any theory which permits morality to be a condition on legality cannot account for a core feature of legal activity, namely, that it is an activity of social planning. If the aim of a legal institution is to guide the conduct of the community through plans, it would be self-defeating if the existence of these plans could only be determined through deliberation on the merits. I also argue that, insofar as inclusive legal positivism was developed as a response to Ronald Dworkin's critique of H. L. A. Hart's theory of law, it was founded on a mistake. For once we appreciate the role that planning plays in legal regulation, we will see that Dworkin's objection is based on a flawed conception of legal obligations and rights and hence does not present an objection that inclusive legal positivists were required to answer. 相似文献
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