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141.
It is a curious feature of the debate about the UK Labour government’s modernization agenda that the consequences for trade unions have been almost wholly neglected. Focusing on a case study of UNISON, the public service trade union that is dominant in local government and health, this paper argues that UNISON has emulated key aspects of the modernization agenda, adopting a dual strategy to union renewal. It has attempted to rebuild workplace organization, but has placed strong emphasis on managerial‐led renewal, adopting many components of the target culture. These measures have created tensions within the organization that mirror some of the broader contradictions of the modernization agenda. The paper concludes by considering the implications of these findings for public service union renewal. 相似文献
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STEPHEN HARRISON 《Public administration》2009,87(2):184-197
Self-regulation and autonomy are traditionally treated as distinctive elements of how professions are governed in contrast to other occupations. For medicine, these elements provide a collective medium of governance (through the institutions of professional self-regulation) and an individual medium (through the practice of 'clinical autonomy'). Both are reinforced by the intellectual dominance of the so-called 'biomedical model' of health and illness. Analysts generally agree that, in many countries, both self-regulation and clinical autonomy are under significant challenge. But it is less obvious that, in the UK at least, the biomedical model has effectively been co-opted for managerial purposes to support the commodification of medical care. Thus ideas that have traditionally been considered as supporting medical dominance have transpired to be a source of weakness for the profession. 相似文献
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Highlighting resource inequality, social processes, and spatial interdependence, this study combines structural characteristics from the 1990 census with a survey of 8,872 Chicago residents in 1995 to predict homicide variations in 1996–1998 across 343 neighborhoods. Spatial proximity to homicide is strongly related to increased homicide rates, adjusting for internal neighborhood characteristics and prior homicide. Concentrated disadvantage and low collective efficacy—defined as the linkage of social control and cohesion—also independently predict increased homicide. Local organizations, voluntary associations, and friend/kinship networks appear to be important only insofar as they promote the collective efficacy of residents in achieving social control and cohesion. Spatial dynamics coupled with neighborhood inequalities in social and economic capacity are therefore consequential for explaining urban violence. 相似文献
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Little is known about the causes of an early onset of offending. In an attempt to shed light on this issue, some theoretical models have been advanced purporting to explain the reasons for an individual's early initiation into offending. In one of these models, Moffitt (1993) predicts that early onset of offending is caused by an interaction between (1) increased risk for neuropsychological disorders and (2) disadvantaged childhood environments. This study tests Moffitt's hypothesis concerning the development of early offending. In the present analysis, low birth weight was used as a proxy for increased likelihood of neuropsychological deficits, and socioeconomic status and family structure served as indicators for disadvantaged environment. Using the Philadelphia portion of the Collaborative Perinatal Project, we find support for Moffitt's hypothesis that neuropsychological risk and disadvantaged environment interact to produce an early, but not late, onset of offending. In subsequent analysis, the interaction was observed for males but not females. The latter result, however, may be a function of the small number of cases in the female sample. Finally, we address the theoretical and policy implications arising from our analyses and provide some suggestions for future research. 相似文献
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Empirical study of U.S. elections over the last 50 years has documented a strong electoral advantage to incumbency in state and federal elections. Recently, however, critics have argued that traditional estimates of the incumbency advantage may overstate the advantage by as much as 100% because the estimates fail to consider strategic retirements. This article directly examines whether or not strategic retirement biases conventional regression estimates of incumbency advantages. We use term limits in state executive and legislative elections as instrumental variables to correct for strategic retirement. We find that, as an empirical matter, strategic retirement is not substantively important. Estimates of incumbency advantages that take account of strategic retirement actually are marginally larger than estimates that do not. 相似文献