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The current study evaluated a range of social influences including misdemeanor arrests, drug arrests, cocaine consumption, alcohol consumption, firearm availability, and incarceration that may be associated with changes in gun-related homicides by racial/ethnic group in New York City (NYC) from 1990 to 1999. Using police precincts as the unit of analysis, we used cross-sectional, time series data to examine changes in Black, White, and Hispanic homicides, separately. Bayesian hierarchical models with a spatial error term indicated that an increase in cocaine consumption was associated with an increase in Black homicides. An increase in firearm availability was associated with an increase in Hispanic homicides. Last, there were no significant predictors for White homicides. Support was found for the crack cocaine hypotheses but not for the broken windows hypothesis. Examining racially/ethnically disaggregated data can shed light on group-sensitive mechanisms that may explain changes in homicide over time.  相似文献   
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债法是实现超越主权国家的法律统一或者一个国家内各地区立法统一的首要领域。从《法学阶梯》中寻找债的概念的形成及其义务范围,进而了解罗马法上债的类型划分和基于债的核心要义进行的统一化努力,是准确理解后世债法发展变化的基础。债是两个自由主体之间的协作亦或包含一方对另一方的支配,一直是债的概念理解上的分歧,也成为中世纪以降债的理念的分野。萨维尼对罗马原始文献的解读,对罗马法体系的发展做出了重要贡献。当代各国民法典对债法的编排体例呈现出多元化的特点,但都基本在继承罗马法的基础上有所创新。随着社会生活的逐渐复杂化,债法的内容也不断丰富,部分国家的民法典将商事、劳动、消费等规范纳入其中,呈现出鲜明的开放性特征。债法具体规范的制定需要债法总则的指导,核心是"以人为本"。  相似文献   
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SUMMARY

A few years after the return of the Bourbons to the Neapolitan throne, following the final defeat of Napoleon, profound dissatisfaction grew in a section of southern public opinion, above all the provincial bourgeoisie, at certain plans of the restored government. They faced the continued blocking of their own aspirations to a greater share in the management of the res publica, which was a result of the rigid political and administrative centralization of Napoleonic origin which remained in place in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Because of this deeply rooted discontent, the secret sect of the Carboneria began to spread throughout the kingdom. Its primary political aim was to build the foundations of a constitutional and representative regime. It was the Carboneria which instigated a popular uprising in 1820, forcing Ferdinand I to concede to his subjects what the leaders of the revolt had loudly demanded, the Constitution of Cadiz.

Therefore, for the first time in the history of the kingdom, all male citizens aged 21 (except those in domestic service) were entitled to elect the national Parliament endowed with legislative powers. Apart from the property-owning and professional middle classes, it was soldiers and clergy, both groups active in the ranks of the carbonari, who were conspicuously represented in the new assembly. It was therefore composed in large part of individuals whose careers displayed a prominent involvement in the most dangerous phase of the political and institutional crisis which had confronted the kingdom during the previous years. About 70 per cent of those elected had joined in support of the Napoleonic Republic in 1799, had taken part variously in the institutional order established by Napoleon's adherents in the ten years of French rule from 1806, and had in many cases then been affiliated to the Carboneria. Because of their advanced democratic ideals, these people were severely persecuted by the Bourbon authority after the end of the brief constitutional regime.  相似文献   
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The article probes seventeenth-century occupational and marriage data from three parishes in the Savoyard domains for isomorphisms with processes of collective mobilization. Analyzed as directed graphs, networks of marriage alliance display widely differing patterns in standard graph measurements and Regular Equivalence blockmodelling across the three parishes. Channeling flows of material and symbolic exchange conducive to different forms of political action, these network variations are in turn the outcome of unbalanced access by local kin groupings to vital resources.  相似文献   
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In this population-level study, we analyzed how well changes in drug and alcohol use among homicide victims explained declining homicide rates in New York City between 1990 and 1998. Victim demographics, cause of death, and toxicology were obtained for all homicide (N = 12573) and accidental death victims (N = 6351) between 1990 and 1998 from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner of New York (OCME). The proportion of homicide and accident decedents positive for cocaine fell between 1990 and 1998 (13% and 9% respectively); the proportion of homicide and accident decedents positive for opiates and/or alcohol did not change significantly. Changing patterns of drug and alcohol use by homicide victims were comparable to changing patterns of drug and alcohol use in accident victims, suggesting that changes in drug and alcohol use among homicide victims between 1990 and 1998 cannot solely explain the decline in NYC homicide rates.  相似文献   
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