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841.
In this essay, I intend to argue that in Mexico public administration as a discipline has not achieved the necessary theoretical cohesion, because rather than understanding and explaining the state, the government and the administrative structure, it has devoted itself to justifying the proposals made from the heights of power. The challenge facing public administration in countries such as Mexico is that of seeking a more specific space for study and creation. I believe this space should result from a deep analysis of the institutional capabilities that must be generated, and from the design and implementation of public, non-governmental policies, with the participation of different, so to make real the transit to democracy. From a brief review of some decisions derived from the political project of the Salinas Administration, I argue that public administration's concerns are absorbed by the issues that are set over them from the summit of power, thereby impeding the necessary distance that scientific proposals should take. This paper includes, therefore, a brief analysis of the issues that, since the governmental relay in December of 1988, have hold the attention of Mexican scholars in this field. The aim is to show that public administration's theoretic-methodological development cannot be solid and long-term as long as public administration studies are forced to justify or do justify the governmental proposals. Finding in public administration a true social science, with the complete theoretic structure social sciences must have, is a concern shared in many academic fields around the world. However, the problem facing the discipline in Mexico might be set forth as that of the “object” of public administration, which makes the concern for the requirement of a scientific character secondary. This does not hide public administration's limitations and conditioning factors, even as a not “heavily” scientific discipline. 相似文献
842.
V. Seymour Wilson 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(9):1509-1553
The “new managerialism” is becoming the new ortodoxy in public administration. It has challenged the classic assumptions about the nature of bureaucracy in democratic countries. However, it has not implied a great deal of serious debate. In Canada, it is challenging the model of constitutional bureaucracy around which public administration has been organized. Such a model involves two main principles: the ministerial Department and a neutral career public service. The former has meant that power flow in downward and responsibility and accountability upward (to the elected state authorities). The latter that, among other things, officials enjoy security of tenure in exchange for their willingness to serve governments of all partisan affiliations with equal loyalty and effectiveness. The new managerialism challenges both principles since it proposes to diffuse authority both horizontally and vertically, make accountabi1;ty run downward to “clients” and be more capable to substitute personell according to the needs of the moment. Since the new managerialism involves serious risks, the author ends up asking whether these two contending paradigms can or should be reconcilied, and warning not to overlook the past histories of Canadian and Western administrative and political institutions. 相似文献
843.
Jose Orville C. Solon Raul V. Fabella Joseph J. Capuno 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):265-284
Abstract Are incumbent governors who put more weight on development spending likely to be re-elected? To answer this question, an economic model of a re-electionist local chief executive is introduced and validated with a panel data of provincial governors who ran for another term of office during the election years 1992, 1995 and 1998 in the Philippines. It is found that incumbent governors improve their re-election chances with higher spending on economic development services, other things being constant. Moreover, governors who are members of political clans also have higher development spending especially when faced with rival clans. Thus, elections are still an effective disciplining device, more especially when rivalry is intense among political clans. The policy implication then is to enhance political competition rather than just ban political dynasties to improve the performance of elected officials under decentralization. 相似文献
844.
845.
Scott Helfstein Michael J. Meese Don Rassler Reid Sawyer Troy Schnack Mathew Sheiffer 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(9):776-801
This article was written at the request of the Secretary of Defense Task Force on DoD Nuclear Weapons Management. While this analysis suggests that certain types of terrorists can be deterred from certain types of attacks, it is less optimistic about the use of nuclear weapons in a terrorist deterrent strategy. A broad approach to deterrence may be effective against certain types of terrorist groups and attacks, making it crucially important to disaggregate the terrorist threat when setting policy. The article goes on to address two types of terrorist groups with a “global reach” that pose a serious threat to the United States: non-state actors driven by doctrines permitting catastrophic attacks and state-sponsored groups capable of carrying out catastrophic attacks. The analysis reveals a number of previously unappreciated tradeoffs and paradoxes associated with the deterrence of terrorists. 相似文献
846.
Scott AllardyceLibby Amos Nadine BleachPatricia Collis Claire DaviesTim Heaps Adam LavertyTom Ohta Sam TuxfordMark Watts Faye WeedonOsman Zafar 《Computer Law & Security Report》2013
This is the latest edition of the Bristows column on developments in EU law relating to IP, IT and telecommunications. This news article summarises recent developments that are considered important for practitioners, students and academics in a wide range of information technology, e-commerce, telecommunications and intellectual property areas. It cannot be exhaustive but intends to address the important points. This is a hard copy reference guide, but links to outside web sites are included where possible. No responsibility is assumed for the accuracy of information contained in these links. 相似文献
847.
Scott Allardyce Daniel Byrne Tom Ohta Sam Tuxford Mark Watts Faye Weedon Osman Zafar Libby Amos Briony Pollard 《Computer Law & Security Report》2013,29(2):185-189
This is the regular edition of the Bristows column on developments in EU law relating to IP, IT and telecommunications. This news article summarises recent developments that are considered important for practitioners, students and academics in a wide range of information technology, e-commerce, telecommunications and intellectual property areas. It cannot be exhaustive but intends to address the important points. This is a hard copy reference guide, but links to outside websites are included where possible. No responsibility is assumed for the accuracy of information contained in these links. 相似文献
848.
D.V.E. Royall P. Wilde E.F. Wilson J.E. Adams E.G.H. Clayton Enid A. Marshall 《The Law teacher》2013,47(2):54-61
COMPANY LAW by Mary C. Oliver, (1967), published by MacDonald & Evans Ltd,, at 12s. 6d. A CASEBOOK ON TORT by Tony Weir, published by Sweet and Maxwell Ltd. (1967). Bound: £3.17.6d. Paperback: £2. 2. Od. PRINCIPLES OF PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW by Ian Brownlie, (1966), published by Oxford University Press, at 63/‐. THE LAW OF CONTRACT by G. H. Treitel, Second Edition (1966) published by Stevens & Sons Ltd. Bound £3. 17. 6. Paperback £1. 18. 6, CASEBOOK ON MERCANTILE LAW by E.R. Hardy Ivamy (1967) published by Butterworths: at 25s. “COMMERCIAL LAW OF SCOTLAND”, by Campbell B. Burns, published by William Hodge & Company Limited, (1966), at 42/‐ BRITAIN AND EUROPE: AN INDUSTRIAL APPRAISAL, vol. 1. by the Confederation of British Industry (1966), published by C.B.I, at 10s. 相似文献
849.
850.
An experimental field study investigated why people of higher social standing might jump to the conclusion that an injustice has occurred when an authority implements a program that benefits some constituents but not others. High-status individuals are uniquely vulnerable to downward mobility, especially in the event that a situation does not benefit them, but does benefit their high-status peers. In our study, students in a university course were asked to judge a bonus program by which the grades for some would increase and the grades for others would remain the same. Two framing conditions were used, each providing an example in which only one of two students would benefit from the program. In the peer-gets-ahead condition, the two students were of equal status before the program acted to differentiate them, and in the inferior-catches-up condition, the two students differed in status before the program acted to equate them. A majority of students responded favorably to the program, although this number was affected strongly by framing, with almost unanimous approval in the inferior-catches-up condition and comparatively modest approval in the peer-gets-ahead condition. Objections in the latter condition were most frequent among high-status students, who were implicitly uncomfortable with the possibility that their status could decrease relative to some of their high-status peers. Explicitly, their objections used the language of social injustice, especially claims of distributive unfairness. We argue that these perceptions of injustice are a cognitive manifestation of an aversion to any situation that could result in downward mobility. 相似文献