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Abstract: Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) represent one of the most common modes of arbitrarily injuring or killing human beings. Because of the heat generated by, and destruction to, an IED postconflagration, most methods for identifying who assembled the device are ineffective. In the research presented, steel pipe bombs were mock‐assembled by volunteers, and the bombs detonated under controlled conditions. The resultant shrapnel was collected and swabbed for residual cellular material. Mitochondrial DNA profiles were generated and compared blind to the pool of individuals who assembled the bombs. Assemblers were correctly identified 50% of the time, while another 19% could be placed into a group of three individuals with shared haplotypes. Only one bomb was assigned incorrectly. In some instances a contaminating profile (mixture) was also observed. Taken together, the results speak to the extreme sensitivity the methods have for identifying those who assemble IEDs, along with precautions needed when collecting and processing such evidence.  相似文献   
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The postmortem interval (PMI) of skeletal remains is a crucial piece of information that can help establish the time dimension in criminal cases. Unfortunately, the accurate and reliable determination of PMI from bone continues to evade forensic investigators despite concerted efforts over the past decades to develop suitable qualitative and quantitative methods. A relatively new PMI method based on the analysis of citrate content of bone was developed by Schwarcz et al. The main objective of our research was to determine whether this work could be externally validated. Thirty‐one bone samples were obtained from the Forensic Anthropology Center, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, and the Onondaga County Medical Examiner's Office. Results from analyzing samples with PMI greater than 2 years suggest that the hypothetical relationship between the citrate content of bone and PMI is much weaker than reported. It was also observed that the average absolute error between the PMI value estimated using the equation proposed by Schwarcz et al. and the actual (“true”) PMI of the sample was negative indicating an underestimation in PMI. These findings are identical to those reported by Kanz et al. Despite these results this method may still serve as a technique to sort ancient from more recent skeletal cases, after further, similar validation studies have been conducted.  相似文献   
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Identity theft is a new and growing form of white-collar crime. This exploratory study examined the psychological and somatic impact of identity theft and coping methods utilized by victims. Thirty-seven victims of identity theft participated in regional victim focus groups. Participants completed a victim impact questionnaire designed by the authors and the Brief Symptom Inventory-18 (BSI-18). The majority of participants expressed an increase in maladaptive psychological and somatic symptoms post victimization. Results on the BSI indicated that identity theft victims with unresolved cases, in contrast to those with resolved cases, were more likely to have clinically elevated scores when compared with a normative sample. Relatively similar coping mechanisms were utilized across victims. The results from this study suggest that victims of identity theft do have increased psychological and physical distress, and for those whose cases remain unresolved, distress is maintained over time.  相似文献   
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Contemporary political communication is marked by an evolving dialectical tension between public and technical forms of discourse. Using Ronald Reagan's explanation of the Iran/Contra arms‐for‐hostages initiative as a case study, this article explores the rhetorical uses of technical rationality and the dangers these appeals pose for public deliberation. A close reading of Reagan's March 4, 1987, Iran/Contra defense speech demonstrates that Reagan employed the Tower Commission Report's technical judgments to separate the ethical realm of the public from the nonethical realm of the technical. As a result, he was able to define the Iran/Contra affair as an instrumental problem of bureaucratic organization rather than a betrayal of the public trust. This strategy of demarcating the moral realms of agent from agency is conceptualized as both a moral dodge and an instance of what Kenneth Burke calls ironic discourse. The article concludes by contrasting Reagan's strategy with other recent political crises in which public servants did not separate their public virtue from their administrative responsibility.  相似文献   
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Conventional accounts of the Federal Convention of 1787 point to the many different compromises made at the convention, specifically the Great Compromise on representation and the Three‐Fifths Compromise on slavery. Often these compromises are treated as separate events, the result of deliberation leading to moderation of delegate positions (presumably among the key states of Massachusetts and North Carolina). However, by applying the techniques of roll‐call analysis, we find this traditional account is at best incomplete and probably misleading. While the Massachusetts delegation's behavior seems consistent with a moderation hypothesis, we find evidence that the other crucial vote for the Great Compromise—from North Carolina—is inconsistent with moderation, but can be linked through the agenda to the Three‐Fifths Compromise over slavery, taxation, and representation. We conclude by arguing that this reconsideration of some of the convention's key votes should cause political scientists and historians to reevaluate how they see the compromises at the convention.  相似文献   
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