We review the theoretical literature on the concept of institutions and its relationship to national development, propose
a definition of the concept, and advance six hypotheses about institutional adequacy and contributions to national development.
We then present results of a comparative empirical study of existing institutions in three Latin American countries and examine
their organizational similarities and differences. Employing the qualitative comparative method (QCA) proposed by Ragin, we
then test the six hypotheses. Results converge in showing the importance of meritocracy, immunity to corruption, absence of
“islands of power,” and proactivity in producing effective institutions. Findings strongly support Peter Evans’ theory of
developmental apparatuses.
Lori D. SmithEmail:
Alejandro Portes
is the Howard Harrison and Gabrielle Snyder Beck Professor of Sociology and director of the Center for Migration and Development
at Princeton University. His current research is on the adaptation process of the immigrant second generation and the rise
of transnational immigrant communities in the United States. His most recent books, co-authored with Rubén G. Rumbaut, are
Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation and Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America (California 2001).
Lori D. Smith
is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at Princeton University. Her research interests include international development, organizations,
and political and economic sociology. 相似文献
The eyes of fourteen fatally abused children and sixteen control cases were examined histopathologically. Ten of the abused children showed intraocular change. The most common ocular changes were subdural hemorrhage of the optic nerve and retinal hemorrhage which involved all the layers of the retina, but most commonly the nerve fiber layer, ganglion cell layer and inner nuclear layer. The presence of blood cavities within the retina partially supported the hypothesis of traumatic retinoschisis. The control cases of non-abused children rarely showed intraocular hemorrhage. 相似文献
Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic have put relationships between the UK government and its devolved counterparts under growing strain. Tensions generated by both of these developments have exposed the inadequacies of the existing, under-developed system for bringing governments together in the UK. The limitations of the current system include the ad hoc nature of intergovernmental meetings, and their consultative rather than decision-making character. Drawing upon an analysis of how intergovernmental relationships are structured in five other countries, the authors offer a number of suggestions for the reconfiguration of the UK model. They explore different ways of enabling joint decision making by its governments, and argue against the assumption that England can be represented adequately by the UK administration. Without a serious attempt to address this dysfunctional part of the UK’s territorial constitution, there is every prospect that relations between these different governments will continue to deteriorate. 相似文献
This article takes a state's eye view of trends towards a more centralised system of governance in Australia. It argues that while globalisation strengthens the roles of national governments it also provides less noticed public policy and management opportunities for sub-national governments. The article shows how state governments in Australia can use high-level policy proposals to reinforce their continuing relevance as key members of a federal system of government. It proposes that skilful deployment of policy ideas and analyses can enable the states to sustain alternative national agendas despite hostility or lack of interest by the federal government. In conclusion, the article examines the implications for federal-state relations under the Rudd government. It suggests that the elements for productive reform agendas are present but that bringing them together will require considerable effort. 相似文献
Asia's growing share of the global economy provides one of the strongest themes in contemporary analysis of international affairs. The remarkable economic achievements of Japan, Korea, and Taiwan over the past 50 years have been compounded more recently by the rise of the Chinese and Indian economies. While the significance of this change in the way international wealth is shared was beyond doubt before the onset of the current global financial crisis, many commentators expect that when the world eventually emerges from the crisis Asia's share of the global economy will have grown even further.
This shift clearly has strategic importance: economic decisions made in Asia, whether by governments or business, are now more important for the rest of the world than they have been for centuries. If military power were moving in the same direction, and at the same pace, the strategic consequences would be even greater.
This paper examines trends in Asian military spending and modernisation. It begins with a summary of defence spending among Asian countries.1In this paper the term “Asia” is used to include the 22 countries from Pakistan to Japan. It does not include Afghanistan or any of the countries of central Asia, or Russia, Australia, New Zealand, or the Pacific Island countries. As explained above, data is not equally available for all 22 countries.View all notes It next considers the nature of the capabilities and equipment they are acquiring, and comments on the way in which forces are being structured, commanded, and managed. It then comments on the range of different factors that are driving military spending and modernisation in Asia, and offers particular comment on China in this regard. The paper then concludes with brief comments on United States and Australian military spending and development. 相似文献
Experiences with racism are a common occurrence for African American youth and may result in negative self perceptions relevant
for the experience of depressive symptoms. This study examined the longitudinal association between perceptions of racism
and depressive symptoms, and whether perceived academic or social control mediated this association, in a community epidemiologically-defined
sample of urban African American adolescents (N = 500; 46.4% female). Structural equation modeling revealed that experiences with racism were associated with low perceived
academic control, which in turn was associated with increased depressive symptoms. Findings suggest that experiences with
racism can have long lasting effects for African American youth’s depressive symptoms, and highlight the detrimental effects
of experiences with racism for perceptions of control in the academic domain. Implications for intervention are discussed.
AbstractRecent debates in international relations seek to decolonize the discipline by focusing on relationality between self and other. This article examines the possibilities for preserving a particular type of otherness: ‘radical otherness’ or ‘alterity’. Such otherness can provide a bulwark against domination and colonialism: there is always something truly other which cannot be assimilated. However, two problems arise. First, if otherness is truly inaccessible, how can self relate to it? Does otherness undermine relationality? Second, can we talk about otherness without making it the same? Is the very naming of otherness a new form of domination? This article draws out and explores the possibilities for radical otherness in sinophone and anglophone relational theorizing. It addresses the difficulties presented by the need for a sense of radical otherness, on the one hand, and the seeming impossibility of either detecting it or relating to it, on the other. By constructing a typology of four accounts of otherness, it finds that the identification and preservation of radical otherness poses significant problems for relationality. Radical otherness makes relationality between self and other impossible, but without radical otherness there is a danger of domination and assimilation. This is common to both sinophone and anglophone endeavours. 相似文献