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351.
Research on liberal democracy in newly developing countries has been hampered by the view of civil society as a bounded realm;
by insufficient attention to power, class, and legal-juridical institutions; and by too limited a conception of social movements
with democratic potential. In this study of urban migrants’ struggle for property rights, the migrants’ political action is
found to be associated with a capitalist social movement. The legal changes that the movement helped institute and the means
that it employed have enhanced democracy by extending property rights to the poor and by opening up policy processes to public
debate and input. Insofar as liberal reform involves the law and its administration, it requires a positive, facilitative
state, in spite of liberalism’s broadly antistatist commitments. The study also reveals that liberal reform can have a popular
content even if supported by elites. The findings suggest that the realization of full citizenship rights is, for now, at
least as crucial to the future of Latin American democracy as the narrowing of economic inequalities.
David G. Becker is associate professor of government at Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH 03755. He is the author ofThe New Bourgeoisie and the Limits of Dependency (Princeton University Press, 1982); a counthor ofPostimperialism (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1987); and the author of “Beyond Dependency: Development and Democracy in the Era of International
Capitalism,” in Dankwart A. Rustow and Kenneth P. Erickson (ededs.),Comparative Political Dynamic (HarperCollis, 1991), in addition to many other articles on aspects of political development. Becker’s current research centers
of the nature of constitutionalism and democracy in Latin America. He is preparing a book-length treatment of the rule of
law in Latin America, along with an edited book on postimperialism that will present new case studies of a variety of countries
and world regions. 相似文献
352.
The Autopoiesis of Administrative Systems: Niklas Luhmann on Public Administration and Public Policy 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article offers an introduction to Niklas Luhmann's theory of social systems as it pertains to public administration and policy, as a first step towards both a critique and its empirical application to empirical reality. It reconstructs Luhmann's early writings on bureaucracy and policy-making and shows how this early, more empirical work grounded his abstract theory of social systems in general and the political system in particular. The article also introduces some central concepts of Luhmann's more recent work on the autopoietic nature of social systems and considers the latter's consequences for bureaucratic adaptiveness and governmental steering in the welfare state. One of the main benefits of applying Luhmann's theory to public administration, the article concludes, is that it conceptualizes the central concerns of public administration within a complex picture of society as a whole, in which both the agency that issues decisions and the realm affected by these decisions are included. 相似文献
353.
Ronald F. Becker 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2003,18(2):41-45
Health care professionals are often called upon as expert witnesses in insanity determinations. Most are familiar with the
“insanity standard” applicable in the court in which they are called to testify. It might be helpful to understand that not
all jurisdictions apply the same standard and how the different standards are related. This article is intended to address
the problems associated with each insanity “test” presently in use and how “determining” insanity is an evolutionary process. 相似文献
354.
In the early 1980s, Sebba (1980) explored the victimological and criminological dimensions of German Holocaust reparations, utilizing a broad definition of victimization similar to Mendelsohn's (1976) earlier framing of this notion, which included victims of genocide and mass violence. Since this time, scant attention has been paid to the victimology of state crime, and even less to the victimological implications of genocide and mass violence. This is unfortunate since critical victimological lessons can be drawn from the study of the victims of genocide and mass violence. In this article, we focus on the post–World War II monetary reparations, or "compensation," demands made against the West German state by Jewish and "Gypsy" survivors of Nazi state-sponsored violence. Through a comparative analysis of these two cases, we seek to illustrate the organizational, social, and discursive conditions that either enabled or obstructed victim mobilization and, in so doing, to develop critical tools for better understanding "victim movements" and the trauma narratives they construct. 相似文献
355.
Stefan Machura 《Law & policy》2003,25(2):123-150
Which criteria do Russians use to evaluate the fairness of their judges, and how does perceived fairness of actual trials influence general beliefs about Russian courts? Lay assessors at courts in South Russia were asked about their experience serving on mixed courts. The justice of the verdicts rendered and the fairness of judges partly explain the respondents’ view of national courts. According to the results, the respondents are also using similar criteria for fairness as Americans or Germans. The social and psychological group effects in a Russian court of lay assessors exhibit a striking similarity to other Western tribunals. 相似文献
356.
Law and Philosophy - 相似文献
357.
Eelco Harteveld Stefan Dahlberg Andrej Kokkonen Wouter van der Brug 《Scandinavian political studies》2019,42(3-4):296-307
The ‘taboo’ or ‘stigma’ associated with many populist radical right parties (PRRPs) has been argued to be an important constraint on their electoral success. In comparison to mainstream parties, there seems to be a higher barrier keeping voters from supporting PRRPs. However, this mechanism has not been tested directly. We conducted a randomized survey‐embedded experiment manipulating the social stigma of a fictitious radical right party in Sweden. We compare three conditions. Two of these contain subtle signals about how other respondents feel about this party. In one condition the fictitious party is supported by many voters (the neutralizing condition) and in the other it is evaluated negatively by the overwhelming majority (the stigma condition). Both experimental groups do not differ significant from the control group in support for this fictitious party. However, the difference between the two experimental groups is borderline significant. This suggests that there is a causal effect of social stigma on support for a RRP, even though the evidence is rather tentative. 相似文献
358.
Russia has recently cracked down on politically active civil society, increasing regulation and undercutting foreign support. However, apolitical, service-oriented parts of civil society have not been subject to these restrictive policies. In contrast, since 2009 Russia has introduced a set of government tools to support socially oriented non-profit organisations. These tools present a framework akin to concepts of ‘third-party government’ and collaborative governance that have come to dominate Western public administration discourse. This article discusses the Russian government’s divergent positions towards civil society, the nature and extent of the supportive tool kit, and its prospects. 相似文献
359.
Stefan Harrendorf 《Criminal Law Forum》2017,28(3):501-539
The position of the custody threshold and the proportion of cases passing it are crucial for any attempt to reduce imprisonment. The article focuses on the sentencing threshold(s) in Germany, a country that shows relatively low incarceration rates in international comparison. This is in part due to legislation that aims to replace short prison sentences, especially those below six months, by fines, and unsuspended prison sentences up to two years by suspended ones. These provisions are widely applied in practice, yet not always in accordance with the letter of the law. The article will give an overview of the legal and practical aspects of decision-making between fines and prison sentences and between suspended and unsuspended sentences in Germany. It will show that there is not only one sentencing threshold identifiable in practice, but two different ones: firstly, between fines and suspended sentences, and secondly, between suspended and unsuspended sentences. Problems of the German system are identified, among which are the convertability of day fines into suspended and unsuspended prison terms and the treatment of persistent recidivists. Finally, possible solutions are proposed. 相似文献
360.