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231.
Joël Kotek 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):168-191
In the late 1960s it was revealed that ever since 1952 the CIA had financed and was still financing, by way of a whole series of ‘screen’ foundations, the overwhelming majority of youth and student organizations, not only in the United States, but throughout the free world. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as respectable as the International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY), Pax Romana and the World Assembly of Youth (WAY) had benefited, at various times in their history, from the generosity and ‘liberalism’ of the CIA. The key to understanding this paradoxical American involvement in leftist organizations lies in the Soviet Union's policy of systematically infiltrating Western civil society and international organizations. Its constant aim, relentlessly pursued and never openly avowed, was to control Western opinion and further the goals of Soviet foreign policy. By 1950 the communists had succeeded in effectively controlling all the international mass organizations. This study deals with the crucial Berlin Youth Festival of 1951 and the East-West struggle for dominance in the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) and the International Union of Students (IUS). 相似文献
232.
Nan Stein 《Law & society review》2020,54(4):864-867
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Murat Ülgül 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(3):98-114
ABSTRACT When a new President is elected in the United States, the first thing analysts do is define that President’s grand strategy; yet, naming Donald Trump’s grand strategy was a difficult task as his pre-election speeches often contradicted traditional US foreign policy norms. Trump’s ambiguous grand strategy combines two US foreign policy strategies: nationalism in the sense that his preference is for unilateral policies prioritising American interests, and a traditional foreign policy approach, as seen in the moves taken against China and Iran. Surprisingly, this grand strategy unintentionally contributes to cooperation in Eurasia, as actors like Russia, China, Turkey, India and the European Union continue to try to balance the threat from the United States instead of competing with each other, while smaller countries are reluctant to challenge the regional powers due to mistrust towards Trump. 相似文献
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Paula?Johnston-McCabe Micòl?Levi-MinziEmail author Vincent?B.?Van?Hasselt August?Vanderbeek 《Journal of family violence》2011,26(1):63-69
The present study examined domestic violence and perceived social support in a clinical sample of Deaf and Hard of Hearing
women. Forty-six adult Deaf and Hard of Hearing females receiving outpatient mental health services completed a modified version
of the Conflict Tactics Scale and the Interpersonal Support Evaluation List. Results showed that nearly three-quarters (71.7%)
of the sample related experiencing psychologically abusive behaviors, and over one-half (56.5%) reported a history of physical
violence from a partner. In addition, participants reported experiences of domestic abuse directly related to their deafness.
Level of perceived social support did not differ for participants with a history of domestic violence victimization compared
to those with no such history. Findings underscore the need for increased awareness of Deaf and Hard of Hearing women as a
population at high risk, and warranting further investigative attention, with regard to domestic violence. 相似文献
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于2005年5月29日,法国作为第一个欧盟成员国,以公投方式近55%的投票率反对主要由前任法国总统拟定的欧盟宪法;后三天,于6月1日荷兰也跟进,以公投方式用将近62%的投票率反对欧盟宪法.这结果震撼了欧盟其它国家.到底法国人的反对是反对欧盟宪法还是反对其无法反映法国人身为欧洲人的忧虑与价值观? 相似文献
240.
Solveig Karin Bø Vatnar Christine Friestad Stål Bjørkly 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2017,18(2):103-122
Intimate partner homicides (IPH) are fatal violent attacks perpetrated by intimate partners. Immigrants are overrepresented in the IPH statistics as both perpetrators and victims. If explanatory factors for this are not studied, immigrants may be stigmatized. The present study investigates whether IPHs committed by immigrant perpetrators have characteristics that differentiate them from IPHs committed by the native majority of IPH perpetrators. All IPHs in Norway from 1990 to 2012 (N = 177) were included. Quantitative data were extracted through structured investigation of court documents. Information concerning risk factors (previous intimate partner violence and sociodemographic, contextual and clinical factors) was drawn from three validated risk assessment instruments. Univariate analysis and multivariate logistic regression analyses were conducted. When adjusted for other group differences, very few differences remained in the multivariate models. IPHs perpetrated by immigrants differed from cases with native perpetrators on modus operandi and ascribed motives and resulted in longer sentences than IPHs with native perpetrators. This study indicates considerable similarities in IPHs perpetrated by immigrants and natives. Findings indicating that IPHs by immigrants were perceived differently in the justice system need further investigation. 相似文献