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Stephen Shulman 《国际研究季刊》2000,44(3):365-390
Most scholars of international relations and nationalism presume that nationalist ideology acts uniformly to hinder international economic integration, globalization, and free trade. This article challenges the conventional wisdom by developing an analytical framework of the incentives majority and minority nationalists face in the realm of foreign economic relations. Defining nationalism as the promotion of the autonomy, unity, and identity of the nation, it argues that nationalists have strong possible motivations both for and against close economic ties with foreign nations and states. As a result, oftentimes nationalists must make trade-offs among their goals of autonomy, unity, and identity when developing foreign economic policy preferences. Case studies of nationalist organizations in Quebec, India, and Ukraine that favor a high degree of international economic integration are presented to show the usefulness of the analytical framework. 相似文献
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For a relatively small country that does not have a very large intelligence establishment, Canada has produced quite a sizeable literature on such matters. Produced mainly in the past twenty years, it essentially dates from the period when revelations began that the Security Services of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) had been involved in illegal activities. The resulting scandal produced a Royal Commission of Inquiry, the McDonald Commission, and the establishment of review institutions. While Igor Gouzenko's disclosures of Soviet involvement had drawn some public and academic attention to espionage matters in Canada in the late 1940s, the Security Service controversies of the late sixties and seventies marked the real beginning of a spate of publications in the field. 相似文献
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Stephen Bates 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(2):91-128
In 1959, Marie Torre of the New York Herald Tribune went to jail rather than reveal who had told her that Judy Garland apparently thought herself to be “terribly fat.” Many reporters derided Torre as a gossip columnist (she was actually the TV columnist) who did not deserve support. But the libel suit that sent her to jail, Garland v. Torre, is more consequential than they imagined. Though Torre lost her appeal, the judge recognized a degree of constitutional protection for newsgathering. Elevated to the Supreme Court of the United States, that judge, Potter Stewart, reiterated his Garland reasoning in a dissenting opinion in Branzburg v. Hayes. Many federal courts then employed the Branzburg dissent or Garland itself to craft a conditional reporter's privilege. In this fashion, Marie Torre helped scores of later reporters avoid jail. 相似文献
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The world’s second largest maritime disaster occurred on September 26th 2002, the sinking of the Senegal’s state run ferry Le Joola, killing 1863 passengers. In the wake of the sinking, it became clear that the state of Senegal held liability for the ferry’s failure; the government readily admitted its errors and several ministers either stepped down or were removed from their positions. In many ways, this case, at least on the surface, looks like a classic example of a state crime – illegal activities carried out by the state or state agencies. However, despite unequivocal governmental responsibility, we suggest that this was not simply a case of state crime. Rather, a thorough investigation and analysis of the reasons and forces behind the Le Joola sinking suggest that international institutions, primarily the World Bank, bear culpability for the disaster due to the way in which their policies and economic development demands altered Senegal’s social, economic and political structures. In conclusion, we offer a criminological analysis of the catalysts leading to the reinstatement of the state run ferry to the coastal waters and the subsequent actions taken by the State of Senegal and of International Society.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Nashville, TN. November 17–20, 2004. 相似文献