On the Nature of Tolerance: Dichotomous or Continuous?*

The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.     

建设公共服务型政府：政府改革合理的目标选择

我国社会已经进入社会主义市场经济体制对经济和社会发展起基础作用的历史发展新阶段。新阶段新的发展条件要求党和国家对政府的角色和职能作用进行重新定位、对政府行政体制和行为方式即政府治理方式进行适应性改革。政府职能重新定位和适应性改革的途径是在经济转型、社会转型的关键时期及时转变职能,实现政府治理模式转型。目标取向是从传统行政走向公共行政、服务行政,切实把政府职能转变到宏观调控、市场监管、社会管理和公共服务上来,建设有中国特色的公共服务型政府。     

准确定位 科学布局 积极推动试验区建设

宁夏发展内陆开放型经济没有突出优势,在产业布局方面与建设中国—阿拉伯国家及世界穆斯林地区经贸合作大平台的要求尚有差距。必须站在世界经济发展的高端,进一步明确试验区发展定位和目标,优化产业布局,为我国发展内陆开放型经济、完善对外开放格局探索新路径。     

韩国大学录取制度改革分析

韩国大学录取经过从大学单独考试到统考与校考相结合、大修能力考试与高中成绩相结合、考试分数等级与中学手册相结合等一系列改革，形成了多元录取、多样方法、多层管理的大学录取管理体制。韩国逐步建立起来的日臻科学、完善、健全的大学录取制度，使各大学充分享有录取新生的自主权，为我国高校自主招生改革可提供很多有益启示。     

Relationships between Social Information Processing and Aggression among Adolescent Girls with and without ADHD

This study investigated the relationship between social information processing (SIP) and both relational and overt, physical aggression in a longitudinally-followed sample of 228 adolescent girls (ages 11–18; 140 with ADHD and 88 comparison girls). During childhood, girls participated in naturalistic summer camps where peer rejection, overt physical aggression, and relational aggression were assessed via multiple informants and methods. Approximately 4.5 years later, these girls participated in follow-up assessments during which they completed a commonly-used vignette procedure to assess SIP; overt and relational aggression were again assessed through multiple informants. Correlations between (a) overt and relational aggression and (b) maladaptive SIP were modest in this female adolescent sample. However, relationships between aggression and SIP were stronger for the comparison girls than for the girls with ADHD. The relevance of SIP models for adolescent girls and clinical implications of findings are discussed.

Empowerment,Deliberative Development,and Local-Level Politics in Indonesia: Participatory Projects as a Source of Countervailing Power

The salience of the concept of “empowerment” has been deductively claimed more often than carefully defined or inductively assessed by development scholars and practitioners alike. We use evidence from a mixed methods examination of the Kecamatan (subdistrict) Development Project (KDP) in rural Indonesia, which we define here as development interventions that build marginalized groups’ capacity to engage local-level governing elites using routines of deliberative contestation. “Deliberative contestation” refers to marginalized groups’ practice of exercising associational autonomy in public forums using fairness-based arguments that challenge governing elites’ monopoly over public resource allocation decisions. Deliberative development interventions such as KDP possess a comparative advantage in building the capacity to engage because they actively provide open decision-making spaces, resources for argumentation (such as facilitators), and incentives to participate. They also promote peaceful resolutions to the conflicts they inevitably spark. In the KDP conflicts we analyze, marginalized groups used deliberative contestation to moderately but consistently shift local-level power relations in contexts with both low and high preexisting capacities for managing conflict. By contrast, marginalized groups in non-KDP development conflicts from comparable villages used “mobilizational contestation” to generate comparatively erratic shifts in power relations, shifts that depended greatly on the preexisting capacity for managing conflict.