Canada's interests in North American economic integration

Abstract: The current North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) promises to have relatively modest short-run economic impacts on the Canadian economy, reflecting existing limited trade and investment flows between Canada and Mexico and relatively low tariff barriers on many products. In the longer run, opportunities exist for increased trade in services, primarily through the establishment of affiliates within the partner country. The liberalization of Mexico's investment regime in a number of service areas therefore represents a significant potential economic opportunity for Canadian firms. Other arguable benefits for Canada include an expedited dispute resolution process, clearer rules-of-origin, and constraints on adverse intrusion of regulatory processes as they affect Canadian-owned businesses. These gains come at comparatively low cost, most notably a higher domestic content requirement for motor vehicles. Sommaire: On prevoit que l'actuel Accord nord-americain sur le libre-echange (NAFTA) aura, a court terme, des repercussions economiques relativement faibles, sur l'economie canadienne, ce qui reflete l'etendue actuellement limitee des echanges commerciaux et d'investissement entre le Canada et le Mexique ainsi que les barrieres tarifaires relativement basses existant pour de nombreux produits. A plus long terme, il y aura des possibilites d'echanges commerciaux accrus dans le domaine des services, surtout par l'entremise de succursales etablies dans le pays partenaire. La liberalisation du regime d'investissement au Mexique dans un certain nombre de secteurs de services represente done une possibility economique importante pour les entreprises canadiennes. Les autres avantages eventuels pour le Canada pourraient comprendre une procedure plus rapide pour le reglement des differends, des regies d'origine plus claire et des contraintes sur l'exercise nefaste du pouvoir de reglementation touchant les entreprises appartenant aux Canadiens. Ces gains sont accompagnes d'un cout relativement faible, particulierement en ce qui concerne l'exigence d'un contenu national plus eleve pour les vehicules a moteur.     

Toward the development of an objective assessment of ego-identity status

Four investigations were completed to develop a self-report measure of ego-identity status. Following James Marcia's definition of diffusion, moratorium, foreclosure, and identity achievement status, a series of Likert-type items were constructed and validated for use in the study of ego-identity formation. Convergent-divergent, concurrent, and predictive validity and test-retest reliability are documented in the reported data. Cross-sectional data suggest the measure will be sensitive to intraindividual change in identity formation. The new Objective Measure of Ego-Identity Status allows researchers to use either a typology or a distribution of stage responses in future longitudinal investigations.This research was supported by a Division of Research Grant at Utah State University.Received his Ph.D. in human development from the Pennsylvania State University. Current research interests include adolescent personality and social development, interpersonal attraction, and family relations.Received her M.S. from Utah State University and is currently a doctoral student at Pennsylvania State University.Received his B.S. from Utah State University and is currently a graduate student at that institution.     

Reviews

Hilary Pilkington, Migration, Displacement and Identity in Post‐Soviet Russia. London: Routledge, 1998, x + 252 pp., £16.99.

Sue Bridger & Frances Pine (eds), Surviving Post‐Socialism: Local Strategies and Regional Responses in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. London: Routledge, 1997; xvi + 224 pp., £45.00.

David Turnock, The East European Economy in Context: Communism and Transition. London: Routledge, 1997, x + 425 pp., £55.00.

Jan Winiecki (ed.), Institutional Barriers to Poland's Economic Development: The Incomplete Transition. London: Routledge, 1997, xi + 114 pp., £40.00.

Ray Taras (ed.), Postcommunist Presidents. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, ix + 250 pp., £14.95.

Mary McAuley, Russia's Politics of Uncertainty. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xix + 351 pp., £50.00 h/b, £16.95 p/b.

G. D. G. Murrell, Russia's Transition to Democracy. An Internal Political History, 1989–1996. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1997, xii + 276 pp.

Karen Dawisha & Bruce Parrott (eds), The Consolidation of Democracy in East‐Central Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xx + 389 pp. $24.95.

Andrew A. Michta, The Soldier‐Citizen. The Politics of the Polish Army after Communism. London: Macmillan Press, 1997, 122 pp., £40.00.

Wolfgang Stadler, Macht Sprache Gewalt: Rechtspopulistische Sprache am Beispiel V.V. Zirinovskijs vor dem Hintergrund der Wandlungen Politischer Sprache in Russland. Innsbruck: Verlag des Instituts für Sprachwissenschaft der Leopold‐Franzens‐Universität Innsbruck, 1997, 207 pp., ÖS480.

Steven L. Solnick, Stealing the State: Control and Collapse in Soviet Institutions. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998, xiv + 337 pp., £33.50.

Peter H. Solomon, Jr (ed.), Reforming Justice in Russia, 1864–1996. Power, Culture, and the Limits of Legal Order. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1997, x + 406 pp., $82.95.

Jussi Simpura & Boris M. Levin (eds), Demystifying Russian Drinking; Comparative Studies From the 1990s. Helsinki: National Research and Development Centre for Welfare and Health, 1997, 226 pp.

Kieran Williams, The Prague Spring and its Aftermath: Czechoslovak politics 1968–1970. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xiii + 270 pp. £45.00 h/b, £15.95 p/b.

R. W. Davies, Soviet Economic Development from Lenin to Khrushchev. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, xxii + 96 pp., £19.95 h/b, £6.95 p/b.

Jane McDermid & Anna Hillyar, Women and Work in Russia 1880–1930: A Study in Continuity Through Change. London: Longman, 1998, vi + 236 pp., £40.00 h/b, £12.99 p/b.

Roger R. Reese, Stalin's Reluctant Soldiers. A Social History of the Red Army, 1925–1941. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1996, xii + 267 pp.

Thomas Lahusen, How Life Writes the Book: Real Socialism and Socialist Realism in Stalin's Russia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997, xii + 247 pp., £23.95.

Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj, Ukrainian Futurism, 1914–1930: A Historical and Critical Study. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997, xviii + 413 pp., $35.00 h/b, $18.00 p/b.

Marcel Cornis‐Pope, The Unfinished Battles. Romanian Postmodernism Before and After 1989. Ia?i: Polirom Press, 1996, 192 pp., $22.00.     

Contentious Politics in the Courthouse: Law as a Tool for Resisting Authoritarian States in the Middle East

Under what conditions will individuals mobilize law to resist states that operate above the law? In authoritarian countries, particularly in the Middle East, law is a weapon the state wields for social control, centralizing power, and legitimation. Authoritarian legal codes are overwhelmingly more deferential to state authority than protective of citizens' rights. Nevertheless, people throughout the Arab world deploy law to contest a broad array of state abuses: land expropriations, unlawful arrests, denials of jobs and welfare, and so on. Using detailed interviews in Jordan and Palestine, I outline a theory of law as a tool for resisting authoritarian state actors. Integrating qualitative insights with survey experiments fielded in Egypt and Jordan, I test this theory and show that aggrieved individuals mobilize law when they expect courts are powerful and attainable allies in contentious politics. My results further demonstrate that judicial independence does not uniformly increase authoritarian publics' willingness to access courts.     

Pains of imprisonment in a “lock em’ up” video game: implications for a peacemaking discourse through new media experiences

A limited body of literature has explored popular media portrayals of the prison experience. Much of this literature has focussed on film and television. Scant literature has considered new forms of media such as video games’ portrayals of the prison experience. In the current inquiry we examine the computer simulation game, Prison Architect, with respect to how its interactive experience has the potential simultaneously portray and problematize pains of imprisonment, and how these portrayals and problematizations may prompt a public discourse surrounding prison, particularly from a peacemaking perspective, even if the game itself does not incorporate concepts such as restorative justice. To conduct this analysis, we examine game-developer video blogs that relayed information about the game as it was developed (e.g., game content, rationale for creation, and embedded political, social and philosophical orientations toward prisons, prisoners, and the prison-industrial complex). Ultimately we link pains of imprisonment in Prison Architect to the broader societal discourse surrounding rationales for incarceration (i.e., retribution, incapacitation, and rehabilitation) and consider implications for prison themed games, particularly those such as simulation games that afford players a broad degree of freedom, as vehicles through which to engage the public in discourse about prison that can adopt a more human-centered, peace-oriented approach.     

The influence of pretrial exposure to community outrage and victim hardship on guilt judgments

Although the courts have explicitly expressed concerns about the effects of public sentiment on juries in highly publicized cases, no research has isolated the degree to which jurors’ exposure to community outrage and/or prospective social interactions in the community independently influence judgments of guilt. In the current research, jury eligible undergraduates were randomly assigned to conditions in a 2 (negative defendant facts pretrial publicity (PTP): present vs. absent)?×?2 (community outrage PTP: present vs. absent)?×?2 (anticipated social interaction: present vs. absent) between subjects factorial design. In an online session, participants read articles containing PTP (or not), and two days later they arrived at the lab to serve as mock jurors in a murder case – before the trial they were instructed (or not) that they would interact with people from the community in which the case was taking place. Neither PTP containing extra-evidentiary facts about the defendant nor prospective interaction with the community had main or interactive effects on guilt measures; however, mock jurors rated the defendant as more likely to be guilty when they read information about community outrage and hardships on victims. These findings suggest future avenues of PTP research focusing on community outrage and victim impacts.     

When a Child Rejects a Parent: Working With the Intractable Resist/Refuse Dynamic

A subgroup of intractable families, in which a child refuses postseparation contact with a parent, perplexes and frustrates professionals who work with them. This article discusses the underlying forces that drive the family's intractability, as well as guidelines for working with the family. The guidelines include specific court orders developed from the very beginning of the case that elaborate the court's stance about goals and expectations for the family, along with specialized individual and family therapies that are undertaken within a framework of planned collaboration with the court. The collaborative team of legal and mental health professionals works in an innovative and active way to structure, support, and monitor the family's progress in resolving the resist/refuse dynamic.     

Citizens' Blame of Politicians for Public Service Failure: Experimental Evidence about Blame Reduction through Delegation and Contracting

Theories of blame suggest that contracting out public service delivery reduces citizens’ blame of politicians for service failure. The authors use an online experiment with 1,000 citizen participants to estimate the effects of information cues summarizing service delivery arrangements on citizens’ blame of English local government politicians for poor street maintenance. Participants were randomized to one of four cues: no information about service delivery arrangements, politicians’ involvement in managing delivery, delegation to a unit inside government managing delivery, and delegation through a contract with a private firm managing delivery. The politicians managing delivery cue raises blame compared to citizens having no information. However, the contract with a private firm cue does not reduce blame compared to either no information or the politicians managing delivery cue. Instead, the delegation to a unit inside government cue reduces blame compared to politicians managing delivery, suggesting that delegation to public managers, not contracting, reduces blame in this context.