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891.
Steven Tudor 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2008,2(3):269-272
This article replies to some of Richard Lippke’s criticisms of my earlier article on the issue of whether remorse should mitigate
sentence. I query whether remorse-based mitigation must always wait for signs of moral reform, and re-affirm that remorse
is worthy of recognition in itself and not just for the moral reform it may bring. I also argue that, where delayed mitigation
is appropriate, the task of ascertaining moral reform is not as dubious, practically or in principle, as Lippke maintains.
I then confirm that my defence of the principle that remorse should mitigate sentence is not necessarily a defence of current
practice. 相似文献
892.
Leslie D. McCurdy Lora J. Gioeni Constance L. Fisher Thomas A. Hall Steven A. Hofstadler 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2008,1(1):52-54
Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) examinations play an important role in criminal investigations, identification of victims of mass disasters, and association of unidentified remains with family members. Typically, HV1 and HV2 are amplified via polymerase chain reaction (PCR) followed by fluorescent sequencing. While this method produces the highest level of resolution, it is labor intensive and unable to distinguish components of a mixture. Previously, an electrospray-ionization mass spectrometry (ESI-MS) method was described to determine the base composition profile of enzymatically digested PCR amplified fragments derived from the HV1 and HV2 regions. Advantages of ESI-MS compared to sequencing include speed of analysis, automation, and increased sensitivity, while retaining a high degree of resolution. Here, we report the next generation of this method in which a base composition profile is determined from 24 overlapping PCR reactions. Because ESI-MS provides the relative abundance of each component present, this method allows for the quantitative typing of mixtures. This ESI-MS method does not rely on a priori knowledge of variable sites, allowing the capture of private mutations and individual-specific variation. Due to the multiplex design, automation, speed of analysis, and ability to interrogate mixtures, this method provides a powerful and rapid tool for forensic mtDNA examinations. 相似文献
893.
Steven N. Gold Stacey A. Ketchman Irene Zucker Melissa A. Cott Alfred H. Sellers 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(7):569-575
The relationship between the dissociative and somatic symptoms in a clinical sample of 216 women and 35 men survivors of childhood
sexual abuse (CSA) was examined. Symptom patterns were measured by the Dissociative Experiences Scale, the Somatization Scale
of the Symptom Checklist 90-Revised (SCL-90-R), and the Hypochondriasis, Hysteria, Health Concerns, and Harris–Lingoes Somatic
Complaints Scales of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2. Somatization and dissociation were related, but not
at a great enough magnitude to suggest that somatic symptoms as a generic category are an integral component of dissociation.
With the exception of one of the measures of somatization, the SCL-90-R somatization scale, no significant differences were
found between men and women CSA survivors in symptom levels. However, the relationship between somatization and dissociation
was stronger in women than in men. The findings of this study should be considered preliminary and interpreted with considerable
caution, since the scales used probably are of limited validity. 相似文献
894.
895.
Gordon Martel 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2000,46(3):403-417
Did the Suez crisis mark the end of empire in Britain and France, their submission to the political domination of the United States and the beginnings of a ‘new Europe’? Or did it stimulate a rethinking and reformulation of the meaning of empire, its utility and costs? This article argues that the ‘retreat from empire’ was not so much a simple, reflexive response to demands from below but a conscious effort by those from above to find new ways of exploiting the opportunities that the world beyond Europe offered them. Decolonisation, it is argued, is best understood in terms of contemporary business thinking, i.e. a conscious design on the part of managers to ‘downsize’, ‘restructure’, and ‘re‐engineer’ the imperial project. And, as in the corporate world, what might appear to the naked eye as retreat and abandonment may, on closer examination, turn out to be something more ambitious, an attempt to divest the imperial enterprise of unprofitable ventures and to reinvigorate those that are deemed to have untapped potential. After Suez, Britain attempted to demonstrate to the Americans that maintaining their access to middle eastern oil was vital both strategically and economically. They attempted to persuade them that ‘Nasserism’ was second only to communism as a danger to the western alliance, to have them drop their ‘anticolonialist’ rhetoric and to support the Bagdad Pact. In order to combat the anticolonial movement they established a ‘colonial’ bloc at the UN. Assuming that the Suez crisis marked the end of empire has hidden the struggle between Britain and France to redefine its meaning and has concealed the extent to which ambitious designs continued to persist in the contest to determine the future shape of a ‘united’ Europe — a struggle in which neither the British nor the French regarded themselves as pawns of the Americans in the Cold War, but rather one in which they attempted to move the powerful new American piece around the chess board in the middle east, Africa and Asia. 相似文献
896.
Can Non-state Governance 'Ratchet Up' Global Environmental Standards? Lessons from the Forest Sector
Benjamin Cashore Graeme Auld Steven Bernstein Constance McDermott 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2007,16(2):158-172
The failure of the worlds' governments to agree on a binding global forest convention at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit led many leading environmental groups to advance eco-labelling 'forest certification' programmes that, they hoped, would achieve greater success in implementing sustainable forest management. Eschewing traditional State-centered authority, supporters of this 'non-State market driven' (NSMD) approach turn to customers of wood products to create compliance mechanisms, either through positive incentives such as market access or price premiums, or negative incentives such as 'direct targeting' or 'boycott' campaigns. Understanding how such systems might 'ratchet up' global forestry standards, we argue, requires that existing scholarship place greater attention on the role of public policies in helping to facilitate the impacts of private solutions. Specifically, we argue that scholars and practitioners need to assess strategic decisions not only on the basis of their appropriateness at present, but what they might do to trigger a global 'race to the top' at a later time. 相似文献
897.
Steven Best 《Democracy & Nature》2001,7(2):353-362
When we began theorizing our experiences during the women's movement ... we knew our task would be a difficult though exciting one. But I doubt in our wildest dreams we ever imagined we would have to reinvent both science and theorizing itself to make sense of women's social experience. 相似文献
898.
Associate Professor Steven W. Horowitz 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2009,14(1):135-147
Purpose. This study evaluated the relative value of direct questions, open‐ended questions, and mixed questions (including cued invitations) in eliciting accurate statements from young children about a known episode. Methods. Children, 25 aged 5–7 years, and 25 aged 10–12 years, were interviewed concerning a standardized experience the previous week. Direct, mixed, and open‐ended question sequences were counterbalanced between participants. Transcribed videos were assessed for quantity and quality of statements. Results. Mixed questions tended to fall in the middle, between direct and open questions on length of statement, and number of errors. For the younger children, direct questions, but not mixed questions, increased the number of errors of commission in subsequent open question sequences. Cued invitations, where the direct portion of the mixed question pair reiterated information previously elicited from the child, produced fewer errors of omission than mixed questions without adding errors of commission. Conclusions. Mixed questions, especially cued invitations, were found to be a useful alternative for obtaining specific content when open questions alone were not sufficient. Support for conducting the interview in an ‘inverted pyramid’ or ‘funnel’ fashion was found in an analog study where ground truth was firmly established. 相似文献
899.
Abstract: Lithuania's efforts to join the European Union were faltering in the late 1990s. A moribund policy management system offered scant hope for quick reversal. To break the impasse, Lithuania's prime minister negotiated a unique, CIDA‐funded project to modernize their decision‐making system by partnering with the Ontario Public Service and the Institute of Public Administration of Canada. Although slow to gain traction, inspired leadership by a new Lithuanian prime minister, his chancellor and government secretary re‐energized efforts to adapt an Ontario policy management model, which endures today. The results, in terms of pace and scope of reform, were impressive. But did they make a difference? In the absence of useful public benchmarks from oecd governments, the project collaborated with the World Bank to develop its own set of indicators for each stage of the policy process. Two surveys, conducted in 2000 and 2002, revealed a dramatic turnaround, underscoring how major change can be quickly implemented when supported by determined leadership. This article reviews the project, the survey methodology and results. Given the centrality of Ontario to Lithuania's reform, the article concludes with a cursory exploration of whether the province applies its own best practices. The answer, not surprisingly, is that it does so, sometimes. Sommaire: Les efforts déployés par la Lituanie pour se joindre à l'Union européenne s'affaiblirent à la fin des années 1990. Un système moribond de gestion des politiques offrait peu d'espoir d'un revirement rapide. Pour mettre fin à l'impasse, le Premier ministre de la Lituanie a négocié un projet unique financé par lacdi pour moder‐niser leur système de prise de décision, en établissant un partenariat avec la Fonction publique de l'Ontario et l'Institut d'administration publique du Canada. Même si ce projet fut lent à démarrer, un leadership inspiré par le nouveau Premier ministre litu‐anien, son chancelier et secrétaire d'État relança les efforts pour adapter un modèle ontarien de gestion des politiques, qui se trouve toujours en place aujourd'hui. Les resultats, en termes de rapidité et de portée de la réforme, furent impressionnants. Mais ont‐ils changé quelque chose? En l'absence de points de repère publics utiles de la part des gouvernements de locde , le projet a collaboré avec la Banque mondiale au développement de ses propres indicateurs pour chaque étape du processus de politique. Deux enquêtes, menées en 2000 et 2002, ont révélé un redressement remar‐quable, soulignant comment un changement majeur peut être rapidement mis en ceuvre lorsqu'il a I'appui d'un leadership déterminé. Cet article passe en revue le projet, la méthodologie et les résultats des enquêtes. Étant donné la grande importance de l'Ontario dans la réforme de la Lituanie, en conclusion, l'article examine brièvement si la province applique elle‐même ses meilleures pratiques. La réponse, qui n'est pas surprenante, est que oui, elle les applique…Parfois. 相似文献
900.
Data collected from a domestic violence prevention and treatment program were analyzed to determine the relationship between female reproductive status and violent incidents. Both the frequency and severity of male initiated violence against women were twice as high when they were pregnant. These results are discussed in the context of an evolutionary perspective on domestic violence. 相似文献