Evaluating the effects of automobile safety regulation

Automobile safety standards adopted because of federal legislation have, according to many researchers, failed to save lives; safer cars, they infer, induce more dangerous driving. Results from the major study suggesting this conclusion are shown, however, to be quite sensitive to reasonable changes in the empirical model. An alternative statistical analysis of death rates supports a very different conclusion: Safety standards have saved tens of thousands of lives during the 1970s. More broadly, the article illustrates some general pitfalls in using statistical results in policy analysis, and how they can be avoided.     

State Actions Affecting Cities and Counties, 1990–1993: De Facto Federalism

States experienced considrable fiscal stress during the first four years of the 1990s. This has led to changes in five policy areas: (1) state financial aid; (2) local revenue diversification; (3) "sorting out" of responsibilities between the state and local governments; (4) tax and spending limitations; (5) and mandate relief. Some of the most significant changes occurred in California, Colorado, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, Oregon, and Wisconsin.     

Effect of drug treatment during work release on new arrests and incarcerations

Nearly 1,300 drug involved prisoners from the Delaware correctional system were followed for up to five years after release. Those who had participated in a work release therapeutic community treatment program, compared to a similar group in regular work release, were significantly less likely to have had a new arrest, or to have returned to incarceration, and had significantly longer times before arrest or return to custody, even when controlling for demographic differences and differences in criminal, drug use, and employment histories. In addition to the treatment effects, new arrests were most strongly related to criminal history, while return to incarceration was associated more generally with drug use and demographic differences. Those with a more extensive criminal history showed particular benefits from the treatment program, and those older from participating in aftercare following treatment.     

The Mutual Obligation Policy in Australia: The rhetoric and reasoning of recent social security policy

Since 1997, the Australian Federal Liberal Government has introduced policies which have sought to reduce rates of unemployment, particularly long-term unemployment. The policy, known as Mutual Obligation, increased the expectations on unemployed people in return for their social security payment. At the same time, previous labour market programmes and government assistance schemes were scrapped or privatised. This article explores the justification of the term 'Mutual Obligation' by examining both the language and the underlying principles of the policy. By defining the problem of unemployment in terms of flaws in the previous social security system, the stage is set for the government to introduce policies which remedy those flaws by emphasising self- reliance in favour of government assistance. Further, by invoking notions of fairness and mutuality, the article argues that the term 'Mutual Obligation' masks both the extent and the strength of the obligations imposed on unemployed people.     

Hospital Waiting Lists in British Columbia: Evidence and Policy Implications

This study reports the results of a survey of specialist physicians practicing in British Columbia. The survey identifies the extent to which patients are waiting for hospital treatments and attempts a rough quantification of the costs to the provincial economy associated with the rationing of health care. The identifiable costs associated with reduced productivity should be weighed against the resource savings gained from rationing access to the health care system.     

Interests groups in Parliament: Exploring MPs’ interest affiliations (2000‐2011)

This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest ties between 2000‐2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid‐2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and interest groups, showing the strongest increase during the period. However, when looking at the most present individual groups, important business groups dominate and appear well connected with the governmental parties of the political right. Finally, interest groups are also able to forge themselves a strategic presence within the parliamentary committees that are the most relevant for their policy issues. Next research steps include the assessment of the (un)biased access of interest groups to the parliamentary venue and their policy influence.