Congressional distributive politics and state economic performance

States that were represented by very senior Democratic congressmen grew more quickly during the 1953–1990 period than states that were represented by more junior congressional delegations. States with a large fraction of politically competitive House districts also grew faster than average. The first finding is consistent with traditional legislator-based models of distributive politics, the second with partisan models. We cannot detect any substantively important association between seniority, state political competition, and the geographic distribution of federal funds, so higher district- specific federal spending does not appear to be the source of the link between state economic growth and congressional representation.     

Patterns of Intergovernmental Relations in Environmental Cleanup at Federal Facilities

The authority of both federal and state environmental regulatorsis involved in decisions about regulating the cleanup of contaminatedsites at federal facilities. This study examines tripartiterelationships among EPA regional offices, state environmentalregulatory agencies, and U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) andU.S. Department of Energy (DOE) facilities during the processof cleaning up Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation,and Liability Act (CERCLA) sites at two federal facilities.The analysis found regular patterns of conflict and cooperationin CERCLA cleanup programs at Weldon Spring, Missouri, and ReeseAir Force Base, Texas. DOD and DOE, as lead agencies, generallyfrustrated active participation by state environmental regulatoryagencies in the federal cleanup process. States used other environmentalregulations to obtain authority over federal CERCLA sites withvarying levels of success. States' success in gaining authorityover federal CERCLA sites depended on EPA regional offices'support of states' efforts.     

Single-issue voting: Elite-mass linkages

In this paper we consider the abortion and E.R.A. issues as examples of single-issue politics, as well as the nature of single-issue politics in general. We argue that many single issues are what others have called easy issues but that hard-issue voting as well as easy-issue voting may be occurring on both issues. We test this hypothesis using both mass and elite data sets. Our findings suggest that political activists may be cuing the masses into a pattern of single-issue voting, and hence keeping the battle over abortion and the E.R.A. intense.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1981 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, September 3–6, 1981.     

‘What is to be done?’ Anticipating the future and mobilizing prudence

Various social and political factors often block the emergence of good ideas — e.g., the presence of an overbearing leader, the loquaciousness of some actors and the shyness of others, conventional and doctrinal thinking, the political climate, etc. — and devices have been invented to overcome some of these obstacles in decisionmaking settings: the Delphi technique, idea writing, and the nominal group technique are all front-end operations designed to encourage the blossoming of possible solutions to problems. Devices for generating ideas have not been helpful in coping with the volumes of ideas produced, however, and this had led some theorists to give up on the human mind as a solver of problems. Following a summary of the factors impeding rationality in decisional settings, the advantages of Q methodology are presented, and a case study is described in which Q, in conjunction with front-end operations, has been used to assist groups in clarifying their own perspectives and in gaining access to collective wisdom (political prudence) for purposes of problem solving.

(Aristotle,Metaphysics)

Revised from a paper read at a meeting of the Policy Sciences Annual Institute, School of Law, Yale University, October 16–18, 1992, and at a meeting of the International Society for the Scientific Study of Subjectivity, University of Missouri, Columbia, October 7–9, 1993. We are grateful for the helpful comments from reviewers for this journal.     

Reviews

Hilary Pilkington, Migration, Displacement and Identity in Post‐Soviet Russia. London: Routledge, 1998, x + 252 pp., £16.99.

Sue Bridger & Frances Pine (eds), Surviving Post‐Socialism: Local Strategies and Regional Responses in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. London: Routledge, 1997; xvi + 224 pp., £45.00.

David Turnock, The East European Economy in Context: Communism and Transition. London: Routledge, 1997, x + 425 pp., £55.00.

Jan Winiecki (ed.), Institutional Barriers to Poland's Economic Development: The Incomplete Transition. London: Routledge, 1997, xi + 114 pp., £40.00.

Ray Taras (ed.), Postcommunist Presidents. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, ix + 250 pp., £14.95.

Mary McAuley, Russia's Politics of Uncertainty. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xix + 351 pp., £50.00 h/b, £16.95 p/b.

G. D. G. Murrell, Russia's Transition to Democracy. An Internal Political History, 1989–1996. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1997, xii + 276 pp.

Karen Dawisha & Bruce Parrott (eds), The Consolidation of Democracy in East‐Central Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xx + 389 pp. $24.95.

Andrew A. Michta, The Soldier‐Citizen. The Politics of the Polish Army after Communism. London: Macmillan Press, 1997, 122 pp., £40.00.

Wolfgang Stadler, Macht Sprache Gewalt: Rechtspopulistische Sprache am Beispiel V.V. Zirinovskijs vor dem Hintergrund der Wandlungen Politischer Sprache in Russland. Innsbruck: Verlag des Instituts für Sprachwissenschaft der Leopold‐Franzens‐Universität Innsbruck, 1997, 207 pp., ÖS480.

Steven L. Solnick, Stealing the State: Control and Collapse in Soviet Institutions. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998, xiv + 337 pp., £33.50.

Peter H. Solomon, Jr (ed.), Reforming Justice in Russia, 1864–1996. Power, Culture, and the Limits of Legal Order. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1997, x + 406 pp., $82.95.

Jussi Simpura & Boris M. Levin (eds), Demystifying Russian Drinking; Comparative Studies From the 1990s. Helsinki: National Research and Development Centre for Welfare and Health, 1997, 226 pp.

Kieran Williams, The Prague Spring and its Aftermath: Czechoslovak politics 1968–1970. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, xiii + 270 pp. £45.00 h/b, £15.95 p/b.

R. W. Davies, Soviet Economic Development from Lenin to Khrushchev. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, xxii + 96 pp., £19.95 h/b, £6.95 p/b.

Jane McDermid & Anna Hillyar, Women and Work in Russia 1880–1930: A Study in Continuity Through Change. London: Longman, 1998, vi + 236 pp., £40.00 h/b, £12.99 p/b.

Roger R. Reese, Stalin's Reluctant Soldiers. A Social History of the Red Army, 1925–1941. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1996, xii + 267 pp.

Thomas Lahusen, How Life Writes the Book: Real Socialism and Socialist Realism in Stalin's Russia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997, xii + 247 pp., £23.95.

Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj, Ukrainian Futurism, 1914–1930: A Historical and Critical Study. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997, xviii + 413 pp., $35.00 h/b, $18.00 p/b.

Marcel Cornis‐Pope, The Unfinished Battles. Romanian Postmodernism Before and After 1989. Ia?i: Polirom Press, 1996, 192 pp., $22.00.     

Contentious Politics in the Courthouse: Law as a Tool for Resisting Authoritarian States in the Middle East

Under what conditions will individuals mobilize law to resist states that operate above the law? In authoritarian countries, particularly in the Middle East, law is a weapon the state wields for social control, centralizing power, and legitimation. Authoritarian legal codes are overwhelmingly more deferential to state authority than protective of citizens' rights. Nevertheless, people throughout the Arab world deploy law to contest a broad array of state abuses: land expropriations, unlawful arrests, denials of jobs and welfare, and so on. Using detailed interviews in Jordan and Palestine, I outline a theory of law as a tool for resisting authoritarian state actors. Integrating qualitative insights with survey experiments fielded in Egypt and Jordan, I test this theory and show that aggrieved individuals mobilize law when they expect courts are powerful and attainable allies in contentious politics. My results further demonstrate that judicial independence does not uniformly increase authoritarian publics' willingness to access courts.     

On the Diagnosticity of Multiple-Witness Identifications

It is not uncommon for there to be multiple eyewitnesses to a crime, each of whom is later shown a lineup. How is the probative value, or diagnosticity, of such multiple-witness identifications to be evaluated? Previous treatments have focused on the diagnosticity of a single eyewitness’s response to a lineup (Wells and Lindsay, Psychol. Bull. 3 (1980) 776); however, the results of eyewitness identification experiments indicate that the responses of multiple independent witnesses may often be inconsistent. The present paper calculates response diagnosticity for multiple witnesses and shows how diagnostic probabilities change across various combinations of consistent and inconsistent witness responses. Multiple-witness diagnosticity is examined across variation in the conditions of observation, lineup composition, and lineup presentation. In general, the diagnostic probabilities of guilt were shown to increase with the addition of suspect identifications and decrease with the addition of nonidentifications. Foil identification results were more complicated-diagnostic of innocence in many cases, but nondiagnostic or diagnostic of innocence in biased lineups. These analyses illustrate the importance of securing clear records of all witness responses, rather than myopically focusing on the witness who identified the suspect while ignoring those witnesses who did not.     

Why Should Remorse be a Mitigating Factor in Sentencing?

This article critically examines the rationales for the well-settled principle in sentencing law that an offender’s remorse is to be treated as a mitigating factor. Four basic types of rationale are examined: remorse makes punishment redundant; offering mitigation can induce remorse; remorse should be rewarded with mitigation; and remorse should be recognised by mitigation. The first three rationales each suffer from certain weaknesses or limitations, and are argued to be not as persuasive as the fourth. The article then considers, and rejects, two arguments against remorse as a mitigating factor in sentencing: that the crime, not the offender, is the focus of punishment; and that the truly remorseful offender would not ask for mitigation. The article concludes with a brief consideration of whether a lack of remorse should be an aggravating factor.

Impulsivity,attribution and prison bullying: Bully-category and perpetrator–victim mutuality

The current study explores bullying behaviours among adult male prisoners, examining its relationship with aggression attribution and impulsivity. Employed are two separate methods of analysis to determine how this may influence results. Participants were 102 prisoners. All completed a revised version of the Direct and Indirect Prisoner behaviour Checklist (DIPC-R), the Barratt Impulsivity Scale: Version II (BIS-12) and the Expressive Aggression Scale (EXPAGG). Analysis included categorical analysis with prisoners placed into one of four groups (pure bully, pure victim, bully/victim and not-involved), and factorial analysis where perpetration and victimisation were assessed as continuous variables and evidence of interactions explored. It was predicted that perpetration would be associated with higher instrumental attributions and higher impulsivity than non-perpetration. It was predicted that a factorial analysis would demonstrate no interactions between perpetration and victimisation across aggression variables, questioning the utility of a distinct ‘bully–victim’ group. Bullies were found to have higher instrumental attribution scores than non-bullies, with no differences for expressive attribution. Victims were more impulsive than non-victims with evidence that perpetration moderated this relationship. A categorical analysis demonstrated that bully/victims were more impulsive, at least in relation to pure bullies. Results suggested that it was the combined effect of indirect and direct aggression which promoted differences between victims and bullies in relation to attribution and impulsivity. Results are discussed with reference to previous research concerning prison bullying, with directions for future research focused on exploration of perpetrator–victim mutuality using a range of variables and distinct methods of analysis.     

Do Criminal Court Outcomes Vary by Juvenile Transfer Mechanism? A Multi-Jurisdictional,Multilevel Analysis

In recent decades, the number of juvenile defendants transferred to criminal court has increased dramatically, in large measure due to an expansion of available transfer mechanisms. While transfer traditionally occurred by judicial waiver of jurisdiction, alternatives have emerged and eclipsed judicial waiver as the primary route to adult court. The present study examines whether the mechanism of waiver—judicial, prosecutorial, or legislative—affects sentencing outcomes for juvenile defendants transferred to adult court. Results from multilevel models that control for state-level variation indicate that sentencing outcomes are inextricably tied to method of transfer. Most notably, non-criminal outcomes are most likely for cases that arrive in criminal court by legislative waiver. This suggests that legislative waiver is an ineffective means of sending juvenile offenders to criminal court, and provides some empirical support for the notion that judicial waiver is the most appropriate method of transfer.