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131.
The proliferation and capability of organised crime groups (OCGs), threaten to overwhelm the finite resources of police agencies. Although proactive ‘intelligence led’ approaches are more adept in identifying the most problematic offenders, responses predominantly rely on enforcement tactics, often delivering limited outcomes at significant cost. This paper outlines a case study involving a northern English police force, working alongside community safety partners and the public, in a bid to reduce the offending opportunities of an OCG. The multi-agency disruption tactics were categorised using the five themes highlighted by Cornish and Clarke (Criminology 25:933–949, 1986) in their Rational Choice Theory framework. The impact of the operation was evaluated by comparing criminal conviction data and police intelligence immediately prior to the police operation with similar data 2 years later. This was supplemented by semi-structured interviews with police officers (including patrol, detective, middle and senior ranking officers), partner agencies and the community. The operation was effective in reducing the threat posed by the OCG and was popular with those involved in its implementation. As it was delivered with no increased resources it provides a viable and cost effective method of reducing the threat of OCGs although further research is required to test its impact in different police agencies and against different OCGs. 相似文献
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Lawrence Cooper 《Astropolitics》2013,11(3):44-62
This article explores the utility of responsive space in the context of the strategies of Sun Tzu, Mahan, Corbett and John Boyd. Responsive launch is important to applying military strategy to space for achieving space control and in protecting the space systems which are part of the United States's critical infrastructure. It follows that if responsive launch is important in achieving military strategic objectives and protecting the national critical infrastructure, implementing responsive launch must also drive changes in satellite design and operational concepts. The article discusses some of these possible changes resulting from the implementation of a doctrine of responsive launch. 相似文献
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Ian Cooper 《West European politics》2013,36(3):441-465
The Treaty of Lisbon introduces an early warning mechanism (EWM) which empowers national parliaments to intervene directly at the EU level; they may now raise objections to – and even play a role in blocking – EU legislation. The EWM represents a new model of parliamentary involvement in international relations: national parliaments now constitute a virtual third chamber for the EU. Though they do not meet together in the same physical space, national parliaments collectively form a body that can, at least to some degree, perform three key parliamentary functions – legislation, representation, and deliberation. First, it gives national parliaments the power to influence legislative outcomes at the EU level. Second, it provides a new channel of representation linking the citizen with the EU. Third, it creates a new forum for debating the substantive merits of proposed EU legislation, particularly regarding its compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. 相似文献
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Stuart Parkes 《German politics》2013,22(3):450-466
The relationship between politics and literature is beset by tensions and difficulties. The traditional dichotomy in Germany between ’Geist’ and ‘Macht’ has come to the fore again in debates about unity. The events of 1989/90 provoked a fierce controversy over the role of writers and intellectuals in both German states. This article chronicles the debate and seeks to place it in its socio‐political context: the alleged role of GDR writers as loyal supporters of their state, alleged complicity with the Stasi, and the supposed indifference of western writers to the German Question. 相似文献
139.
Charles Cooper James Steinberg 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(2):35-52
The Russian attitude towards the European Neighbourhood Policy constitutes a serious obstacle to the realisation of the Union's agenda in its neighbourhood. The Russian challenge takes three main forms: 1) with Russia not a part of the EU's overall approach involving the principle of conditionality, the Union's legitimacy and international actorness in general is in danger of being undermined; 2) Russia is increasingly starting to put forward its own model of operation, thus hampering the realisation of the Union's goals in the neighbourhood; 3) Russia is engaging in business activities that are in effect undoing the ENP's energy component. There are no easy fixes to these problems. What the Union must do is believe in its own values and visions: it is only by example that it can promote its ideals outside its institutional boundaries. 相似文献
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