全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1292篇 |
免费 | 39篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 44篇 |
工人农民 | 255篇 |
世界政治 | 98篇 |
外交国际关系 | 77篇 |
法律 | 581篇 |
中国政治 | 20篇 |
政治理论 | 246篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 24篇 |
2019年 | 29篇 |
2018年 | 46篇 |
2017年 | 46篇 |
2016年 | 36篇 |
2015年 | 41篇 |
2014年 | 36篇 |
2013年 | 171篇 |
2012年 | 31篇 |
2011年 | 38篇 |
2010年 | 33篇 |
2009年 | 42篇 |
2008年 | 45篇 |
2007年 | 49篇 |
2006年 | 41篇 |
2005年 | 48篇 |
2004年 | 62篇 |
2003年 | 42篇 |
2002年 | 44篇 |
2001年 | 23篇 |
2000年 | 25篇 |
1999年 | 16篇 |
1998年 | 13篇 |
1997年 | 28篇 |
1996年 | 32篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 25篇 |
1993年 | 20篇 |
1992年 | 28篇 |
1991年 | 23篇 |
1990年 | 18篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 13篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 15篇 |
1985年 | 12篇 |
1984年 | 9篇 |
1983年 | 11篇 |
1982年 | 11篇 |
1981年 | 11篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1331条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
921.
Although the long-term effects of cumulative childhood maltreatment (CCM) include a variety of adverse consequences, many individuals are resilient following such experiences. This study explored the role of social support from family and friends in buffering long-term outcome following CCM, examining both main and moderating effects. Participants included 344 college aged men and women. Findings revealed strong promotive (main) effects of social support from family and friends that were associated with a reduction in symptoms of depression/anxiety and anger/hostility, regardless of the severity of abuse experienced. Support generally acted as a buffer (moderator) against negative outcomes for individuals with lower, and not higher, levels of CCM. The role of family support in moderating outcome was complex, particularly with respect to women’s later dating victimization; here family support functioned as a protective factor at low CCM, but as a vulnerability factor at high CCM. 相似文献
922.
In 1976, in Nebraska Press Association v. Stuart, the Supreme Court characterized gag orders as the “most serious and least tolerable infringement on First Amendment rights.”; Yet courts impose gag orders that restrict media coverage of courts and trial participants. Many groups believe the use of gag orders is increasing. However, no previous study has attempted to quantify the frequency of gag orders or to explore judicial attitudes about the issuance of such orders. This analysis of the case law and exploratory survey of judges in Florida suggests that courts issue gag orders to protect fair trials, participant safety and privacy, and the sanctity of the courtroom. This article also suggests that conflict over gag orders arises because judges disagree about the core meanings of the First and Sixth Amendments. This research indicates that judges' individual interpretations of the Constitution color their determinations of whether indirect gags on trial participants, rather than on the media, are impermissible assaults on the First Amendment or are permissible shields of fair trials. Judges tend to be either First Amendment apostles or Sixth Amendment followers, and Sixth Amendment judges are more likely to impose and uphold gag orders. The authors suggest that this schism is unlikely to be resolved without guidance from the Supreme Court. 相似文献
923.
Abstract There is indisputable necessity for engaging child sex offenders in effective therapy to reduce recidivist rates. However, it is becoming increasingly recognised that, to do this, more contemporary psychological methods of treatment are being utilised instead of, or as well as, imprisonment. To establish what constitutes effective therapy requires the constant search for new and successful treatments. To achieve this, it is advantageous to follow preexisting successful methods of treatment but to acknowledge that therapy must be adapted according to an individual's unique presenting difficulties and therapeutic needs. This paper details assessment techniques, evaluation of psychological dysfunctions, the therapy plan and treatment outcome of a convicted child sex offender. Specifically, Mr X's background history, psychological dysfunctions and progress, using a functional analysis approach, are examined in detail with critical review of the therapeutic intervention. 相似文献
924.
Susan Dimock 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2013,7(3):549-569
The actio libera in causa doctrine, as originally formulated by various Enlightenment philosophers, concerns the imputation of responsibility to actors for actions unfree in themselves, but free in their causes. Like our Enlightenment counterparts, contemporary philosophers of criminal law, as well as most Western legal systems (both common law and civil), allow that persons can be responsible for acts that are not free when performed, provided they were free in their causes. The actio libera doctrine allows us to impute unfree actions to persons, provided they were responsible for causing the conditions of unfreedom that characterizes those actions when performed. This doctrine seems to be instantiated in a great many actual legal practices. But I argue that we must distinguish between two importantly different understandings of the doctrine itself and its application in law. On the one hand, the actio libera doctrine allows us to waive the voluntariness requirement that is generally needed for criminal liability. On the other hand, it disallows defendants to appeal to defences they would otherwise be entitled to use to block liability, if they culpably created the conditions of their own defence. The first case involves rules of imputation, while the second concerns culpability, and justifying the actio libera doctrine therefore faces different challenges in the two cases. 相似文献
925.
Recent literature has shown that the long established link between economic performance and electoral outcomes is conditioned by a country's institutions and government, what is often termed ‘clarity of responsibility’. In this article two distinct dimensions of the clarity of the political context are identified: institutional and government clarity. The first captures the formal dispersion of government power, both horizontally and vertically. The second captures the cohesion of the incumbent government. Analysing survey data from 27 European countries, it is shown that voters' ability to hold governments to account, for both the economy and management of public services, is primarily influenced by the extent to which there is an identifiable and cohesive incumbent, whereas formal institutional rules have no direct impact on performance voting. 相似文献
926.
Messages and Meanings: An Introduction to Semiotics Marcel Danesi, Canadian Scholars' Press Toronto 1994 Australian Popular Culture Ian Craven (ed), Cambridge University Press Cambridge 1994 Identifying Australia in Postmodern Times Livio Dobrez (ed), Bibliotech Canberra 1994 Text and Context Bev Derewianka & Louise Ravelli (EDGA 976) PAGE SBS University of Wollongong 1995 相似文献
927.
Susan J. Popkin Larry F. Buron Diane K. Levy Mary K. Cunningham 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):911-942
Abstract The current transformation of public and assisted housing reflects the legacy of the Gautreaux case, which created the first mobility and scattered‐site programs. Mixed‐income and dispersal strategies now dominate federal housing policy, although their focus has shifted. Drawing on evidence from two preliminary studies of public housing transformation in Chicago, we argue that these new strategies seem to offer benefits for distressed public housing communities but also involve risks for the most vulnerable current tenants. Increased screening and/or the need to compete with private market tenants may force these families out of the assisted housing market. Addressing the complex needs of the most troubled public housing tenants will call for a more comprehensive solution. The intent of the Gautreaux case was to increase opportunity and enhance quality of life for public housing tenants; policy makers should take steps to ensure that current programs reflect these fundamental goals. 相似文献
928.
929.
Susan E. Scarrow 《West European politics》2013,36(4):619-639
The number of countries offering public subsidies to political parties has vastly increased in recent decades, but there have been few attempts to assess how these subsidies affect political competition. Expectations about their likely impact vary widely. Some have described subsidies as key devices used by so-called ‘cartel parties’ to buttress their status and exclude new challengers. Others see subsidies as incentives that encourage new party formation and sustain fledgling parties that otherwise might disappear. The research reported here investigates the circumstances under which subsidies seem more likely to play one or the other of these roles by considering the development of party systems and party subsidies in European democracies. It finds little evidence that subsidies freeze out new parties, but there are signs that certain schemes may encourage party fragmentation. 相似文献
930.
Benjamin C. Graham Christopher B. Keys Susan D. McMahon Michael R. Brubacher 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2014,42(1):45-57
This qualitative study explored parent perspectives of the transportation difficulties students with disabilities experienced getting to and around school. Participants were parents of predominantly African American and Latino/a high school youth with disabilities from low income neighborhoods. Content analysis of 14 meetings with 5 to 12 parents sponsored by the school district revealed five primary themes concerning transportation: the role of aides, exclusion from school programming, scheduling problems, equipment problems, and physical safety issues. Findings are discussed in regard to students' social and emotional experiences at school. Implications for school policy include improving the integration of transportation within inclusion best practice models. Incorporating parent perspectives can help school administrators and staff enrich the quality of inclusive, socially just education for students with disabilities. 相似文献