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171.
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OBJECT: The aim of this study was the examination of relationship between the age and the ossification of medial epiphysis of the clavicle referred to CT examination. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Concerning the epiphyseal ossification of the clavicle CT's of 100 patients (50 male and 50 female) between 16 and 25 years (10 patients for each year) were analyzed by three viewers. RESULTS: In the legal relevant age segment (16-25a) we saw a turnover from stage 3 to stage 4 at the age of 21 years. The calculated empiric distribution function showed 95% of stage 4 over 21 years while 75% of the patients with stage 3 were under 21 years. A reconstruction kernel suitable for osseous structures should be used, images should be viewed or presented in a bone window. CONCLUSION: According to these results it can be concluded that a person with stage 4 is probably 21 years or older, while a stage 3 leads to an estimated age under 21 years. On the other hand, a confidence level of 99.67% is not reached. Therefore, CT of the medial epiphysis of the clavicle will only be suitable for age estimation around the age of 21 years, if this relevant statistic obstacle is defeated. Bearing this in mind, further studies are needed to evaluate slice thickness as the most critical parameter.  相似文献   
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The American public expresses considerable consensus on those qualities of character and performance indispensable to a modern president. Contrary to expectations, however, such conceptions of an ideal president (or presidential prototypes) generally failed to provide standards by which actual presidential candidates were evaluated. Across five complementary tests, qualities that citizens thought important for an ideal president counted no more heavily in their evaluations of presidential hopefuls than did qualities thought less important—with one consistent and striking exception. Conceptions of an ideal president did set the standards by which the incumbent president was evaluated, and quite powerfully so. In the final section of the paper, we provide several interpretations of these results, suggest how public conceptions of an ideal president are acquired, and speculate about processes of presidential appraisal.  相似文献   
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A review of the literature was conducted to assess the extent and nature of the practice of requiring parents to transfer custody in order to receive public funding for intensive services needed by their child/adolescent who had a serious emotional disorder. The review focused on the legal and policy basis of this practice as well as its social and psychological impact on child and family. We conclude that the practice of transfer of custody as a requirement for receiving financial aid occurs in a majority of states, though the actual extent of this practice is not known. The major factor influencing the use of transfer of custody appears to be the absence of an appropriate and adequate system of services for children and adolescents with serious emotional disorders. We recommend that the practice of requiring custody transfer for the sole purpose of receiving services be abolished and offer several suggestions for improving acess to services.Preparation of this article was supported in part by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) under contract no. 89MF761903. The authors are grateful to John Burke and Kelly Kelleher of the Division of Biometry and Applied Sciences, NIMH for their assistance on this project. Laurie Flynn, Executive Director for the National Alliance for the Mentally Ill, was very helpful during the informative stage of the project. Barbara Friesen, Director of the Research and Training Center at Portland State University, gave us useful guidance throughout the project. We thank Stephen Hill, Consultant to the National Governors' Association, for his help. We are grateful to Amy Hewitt and Carol Ishler for their assistance in preparing this report. We also would like to acknowledge several individuals who assisted us with research reported in this article. We are grateful to Governor Richard F. Celeste of Ohio for his letter of support for the state survey of custody transfer practices. We appreciate the efforts on behalf of this survey by staff from the State of Ohio, particularly Jean Ellen Stevens, Administrative Assistant to the Director of the Department of Mental Health. Margraret McNally assisted in the compilation of data for both surveys.  相似文献   
175.
The Federal Home Loan Bank System has come under sharp criticism in recent years, and the question has been raised as to whether it still has a public purpose. In this article, we ask what leaders in the Federal Home Loan Banks view their institutions' purpose to be in light of legislative changes to their mandates in 1989 and 1999. Based on interviews with FHLB executive managers and board members, we identify three clearly distinguishable views of these institutions' mission: housing finance, support for the viability of community financial institutions, and support for and community development. We go on to identify some of the implications of these distinctive views for the behavior of the FHLBs and for their governance structures.  相似文献   
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Studies of intimate partner violence (IPV) and work have been primarily conducted with women in low-wage low-status (LWLS) positions, as much of this research has focused on poverty, welfare, and homelessness. Although women in LWLS positions represent a large percentage of working women in the United States, it is also important to investigate experiences of women in high-wage high-status (HWHS) positions because a growing number of women are employed within such jobs. We propose gender role theory can be used to explain occurrences of IPV among women in HWHS positions and their utilization of organizational benefits. We suggest those in HWHS positions may be likely to have access to organizational benefits (e.g., medical, vacation, and flexible work schedules) and the ability to utilize the Family and Medical Leave Act. However, prevailing gender roles existing in organizations may render women in HWHS positions unlikely to use benefits or to take leave.  相似文献   
179.
Community capacity for organization and collaboration has been shown to be a powerful tool for improving the health and well-being of communities. Since 1994 the Washington State Family Policy Council has supported the development of community capacity in 42 community public health and safety networks. Community networks bring local communities together to restructure natural supports and local resources to meet the needs of families and children, and increase cross-system coordination and flexible funding streams to improve local services and policy. In this study, researchers sought to demonstrate the strong impact of the community networks' capacity to interrupt health and social problems. Findings suggest that community networks reduce health and safety problems for the entire community population. Further, community networks with high community capacity reduced adverse childhood experiences (ACE) in young adults ages 18-34.  相似文献   
180.
Many voters are canvassed by British political parties in the months and weeks immediately preceding a general election – but many are not. The parties are selective in whom they make contact with, and where. They focus on those in marginal constituencies who are likely to vote for them – and having identified them early in the process they contact them again, seeking to sustain that support in the seats where the contest overall will be either won or lost. A large panel survey conducted immediately before and after the 2010 general election allows detailed insight into that pattern of canvassing, identifying who the parties contacted, and where, in the six months prior to the election being called, and then who were contacted during the month immediately preceding polling day, and in how many different ways. Each party focused on its own supporters in the marginal constituencies, and in the middle-class neighbourhoods within those constituencies, but whereas the Conservatives, expecting to win the election, campaigned most intensively in the seats they lost by relatively small margins at the previous contest, Labour and the Liberal Democrats fought defensive campaigns in the seats that they won then. Such tactics were successful; the more ways in which respondents were contacted by a party, the more likely they were to vote for it.  相似文献   
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