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481.
482.
Abstract: This article explores the challenges of policy harmonization in a decentralized federal polity through a study of Canadian efforts to develop nationwide water export regulations over the past fifteen years. The Canadian experience in water export policy illustrates three different policy harmonization processes and suggests some of the effects that international free trade agreements have had on economic and environmental regulation in Canada. Prior to the introduction of free trade, the federal government attempted to deal with water exports through the imposition of uniform national standards. After free trade, however, harmonization efforts became more decentralized as federal power over export controls diminished but provincial powers over water‐taking remained untouched. Despite an effort towards harmonization through policy interface standardization in the 1999 Water Accord, successful harmonization did not occur as a result of intergovernmental cooperation. Instead, harmonization was eventually achieved through an extensive process of policy emulation, a phenomenon that has received relatively little attention in the literature on federalism and public policy, to this point. Sommaire: Le présent article examine les défis de I'harmonisation des politiques dans un système fédéral déentralisé, en étudiant les efforts canadiens déployés pour éla‐borer des règlements sur I'exportation de l'eau à I'échelle nationale au cows des quinze derniéres années. L'expérience canadienne dans le domaine de la politique de l'exportation de l'eau illustre trois différents processus d'harmonisation des politiques et préente certains impacts produits par les accords de libre‐échange internationaux sur la délementation économique et environnementale au Canada. Avant I'introduction du libre‐échange, le gouvemement fédéral essayait de traiter l'exportation de I'eau en imposant des normes nationales uniformes. Depuis le libre‐échange, cependant, les efforts d'harmonisation sont devenus plus dCcentralisés, tan‐dis que le pouvoir fédéral sur les contrôles des exportations a diminue et que les pouvoirs provinciaux dans ce domaine sont demeurés inchangés. Malgré un effort réalisé dam le sens de I'harmonisation de l'interface politique avec 1'Accord sur I'eau de 1999, la coopération intergouvemementale n'a pas menéà l'harmonisation. Par contre, on y est parvenu par le biais d'un vaste processus d'émulation politique, phénoméne qui jusqu'à ce jour est passé pratiquement inapercu dans la documentation sur le fédéralisme et la politique publique.  相似文献   
483.
Abstract: This study documents skull fracture characteristics on infant porcine specimens under known impact conditions with respect to age and interface. A single impact causing fracture was conducted on the skull of porcine specimens aged 2–28 days (n = 76). Paired rigid and compliant impacts at the same energy were conducted at each specimen age. Impact force, impact duration, and fracture length were recorded. Energy required to initiate skull fracture increased with specimen age. For a given energy, impact of the skull with a compliant interface caused more fracture damage than with a rigid interface for specimens aged under 17 days, but less damage for specimens aged 24–28 days. The documentation of energy required to cause fracture and resulting fracture propagation with respect to impact interface and age may be of critical importance in forensic investigations of infant skull trauma.  相似文献   
484.
Policymakers and the public often turn to scientific experts for help in making decisions about complex policy problems. Such decisions, however, may involve trade‐offs among desired goals and so require considerable technical and political judgment. Typically there is no objectively "best" answer, although some answers may be better than others. We use a case study of a landfill siting process in Orange County, North Carolina, to analyze how quantitative scoring schemes may best be used to facilitate site selection processes. Quantitative scoring schemes, used and interpreted properly, can help policymakers and the public focus their attention on central rather than peripheral issues, and thereby conduct a more informed political debate. For the quantitative scoring scheme to fulfill this role, however, the community must be explicit about how the scoring scheme will be used within the larger decisionmaking framework. Clarifying the power and limitations of quantitative scoring schemes shows promise for facilitating decisionmaking regarding other locally unpopular land use siting processes, as well as any public policy decision involving multiple objectives. © 2000 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
485.
Prominent perspectives in the study of conflict point to two factors that exert substantial influence on public opinion about foreign intervention: (1) news about casualties and (2) signals from partisan elites. Past work is limited, however, in what it can say about how these two factors interact. We present an experiment designed to understand the surprisingly common scenario where elites send competing messages about whether the public should support war or oppose it—and these messages do not coincide with party divisions. We find that partisans are generally insensitive to news about casualties, but they become noticeably more sensitive when they perceive within-party disputes over support for the war. Independents, however, respond to news of casualties irrespective of what messages elites send. These findings shed light on when and how the public responds to competing and unclear cues and speak to the role of public opinion in determining conflict outcomes and democratic foreign policy-making more broadly.  相似文献   
486.
Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition has been criticised for presenting a deficient concept of work and the normative significance of work. In recent years Jean-Philippe Deranty, among others, has suggested that Honneth could overcome this deficiency by reintroducing into his mature theory the critical concept of work that first appeared in his 1977–1985 writings. My paper critically reconstructs and assesses Deranty’s position. I argue that Deranty has understated the extent to which his research direction diverges from Honneth’s. Rather than simply nuancing Honneth’s existing philosophical system, Deranty’s work exposes some of its conceptual limits and points beyond it.  相似文献   
487.
Evolutionary, neuroscientific, and cognitive perspectives in psychology have converged on the idea that some attitudes are moralized—a distinctive characteristic. Moralized attitudes reorient behavior from maximizing gains to adhering to rules. Here, I examine a political consequence of this tendency. In three studies, I measure attitude moralization and examine how it relates to approval of political compromise. I find that moralized attitudes lead citizens to oppose compromises, punish compromising politicians, and forsake material gains. These patterns emerge on economic and noneconomic issues alike and identify a psychological phenomenon that contributes to intractable political disputes.  相似文献   
488.
Under ideal conditions, when do voters switch from sincere to strategic voters? Despite a large literature on strategic voting and Duverger’s Law, few studies assess when individuals shift from sincere to strategic nor what factors may encourage or discourage defecting from one’s first choice. Through an experimental web survey analysing district voting in South Korea’s National Assembly, this study measures the effect of partisan cues and the margin of error. Not only did a non-negligible number of respondents remain sincere voters despite conditions favourable to strategic voting, but supporters of smaller parties and those without partisan identification were more likely to defect from their sincere vote when given an additional prompt about the margin of error. The results suggest the contextual influence on the strategic vote calculus.  相似文献   
489.
Political and economic outcomes depend, in part, on the quality of the officials making policy. Some argue that free elections are the best method for selecting competent officials. Others argue that elections lead to the selection of amateurs and demagogues. We use original data on the biographies of Russian regional governors to examine the backgrounds of elected and appointed governors. Elected governors are more likely to be locals. Appointed governors are more likely to be federal bureaucrats or hold a graduate degree. We conclude the paper by speculating on other possible explanations for variation in governor background.  相似文献   
490.
In Maurice Merleau-Ponty's (1945 Merleau-Ponty, M. (1945/1962). Phenomenology of perception (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. [Google Scholar]) Phenomenology of Perception, there is a short chapter at the end of the book dedicated to the concept of freedom. Although brief, and often ignored, this chapter arguably presents the central crux of the thesis Merleau-Ponty works to constitute throughout a majority of the text: namely, that any sort of free action is only truly possible should one recognize, in his or her local circumstances, the reasons and conditions necessary for freedom to be considered at all. This current article takes up this concept of freedom, as well as others such as intercorporeity and the lived-body, as imperative points of consideration for both psychologists and child and youth workers who are interested in transforming communities on a local scale. Some examples of recent empirical research on community intervention are discussed in relation to the aforementioned concepts, with an emphasis on the importance of place and embodiment.  相似文献   
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