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151.
Tom Hashimoto 《欧亚研究》2013,65(8):1683-1684
152.
Tomás Dodds 《Democratization》2013,20(2):343-344
Privatisation and Liberalisation in the Middle East edited by Iliya Harik and Denis J. Sullivan. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1992. Pp.vi + 242; index. £30 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 253 32697 4 and 0 253 20748 7 Prospects for Democracy: North, South, East, West edited by David Held. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993. Pp.412; index. £45 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 0988 0 and 0 7456 0989 9 The Road to Post‐Communism, Independent Political Movements in the Soviet Union 1985–1991 by Geoffrey A. Hosking, Jonathan Aves and Peter F.S. Duncan. London and New York: Pinter Publishers, 1992. Pp.x + 236; bibliography; index. £37.50 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 1 85567 080 1 and 1 85567 081 X 相似文献
153.
Scott Allardyce Daniel Byrne Tom Ohta Sam Tuxford Mark Watts Faye Weedon Osman Zafar Libby Amos Briony Pollard 《Computer Law & Security Report》2013,29(2):185-189
This is the regular edition of the Bristows column on developments in EU law relating to IP, IT and telecommunications. This news article summarises recent developments that are considered important for practitioners, students and academics in a wide range of information technology, e-commerce, telecommunications and intellectual property areas. It cannot be exhaustive but intends to address the important points. This is a hard copy reference guide, but links to outside websites are included where possible. No responsibility is assumed for the accuracy of information contained in these links. 相似文献
154.
William H. Simon, The Practice of Justice: A Theory of Lawyers’ Ethics Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998, viii + 253 pp. 相似文献
155.
Welfare reforms involve trade‐off between different accountability types, such as political, administrative, legal and social accountability. This variety of accountability types is used to investigate consequences of reforms in three different welfare services in Norway; social services, hospitals and immigration. The study finds that more complex, dynamic and layered accountability forms are emerging, but that there are some differences across reform areas. The reforms in immigration seem to change accountability relations the most in hospitals, administrative and political accountability is up against professional accountability, and we see that politicians lack overall capacity and have to rely on administrative accountability in social services. In order to analyze how reforms affect accountability relations one has to study both the formal and informal changes, as well as the relationship between politics and professionalism. 相似文献
156.
This article examines the making and implementation of the 2009 European Union (EU) regulation on cars and CO2 emissions (Regulation [EC] No 443/2009). As the first legally binding measure to target the CO2 emissions of passenger cars, this regulation represents a milestone in EU efforts to reduce the climate impacts of road transport. The analysis draws on two central theoretical perspectives on EU policy making: liberal intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. Both offer important insights, but their explanatory power varies with the policy‐making phase in focus. The analysis shows that the Commission and the car industry were instrumental in shaping what eventually became an industry‐friendly regulation applicable in all EU countries. However, far from being a case of closed negotiations between the industry and the Commission, Germany and other EU countries defending the interest of manufacturers of high‐emission vehicles made use of their powers during the decision‐making phase and succeeded in watering down the Commission's proposal. 相似文献
157.
Tom Appleby 《Liverpool Law Review》2009,30(2):101-113
This paper examines the Marine and Coastal Access Bill as it was tabled on 8th December 2008. It explores the failure of the
Bill to include marine protection of over 3,000,000 km2 of the waters associated with overseas territories and Crown dependencies. It explains the necessity for close liaison with
the European Commission and with the devolved administrations in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, where responsibility
for marine governance is not clear cut. It expresses some disappointment in the failure of the Bill to cover questions of
ownership of marine resources in particular the right to fish, which remains held under ancient and flawed common law rules.
The paper then investigates the content of the Bill, looking at the role and functions of the Marine Management Organisation
including licensing of fishing vessels, wind farm consenting/creation of safety zones, consents under the Wildlife and Countryside
Act, research, advice, assistance, training, and prosecutions. The Bill also establishes a framework for marine planning with
potential for the creation of marine plans and marine policy statements covering the waters of England and Wales to the edge
of the UK Exclusive Economic Zone. Such plans and statements will have persuasive effects on the organisations involved in
marine management, but will not be completely binding. The Bill creates powers to licence numerous activities and if necessary
delegate licensing function to the bodies such as the Marine Management Organisation. It also established new powers for the
creation of Marine Conservation Zones. The paper explores the narrow purposes for which these Marine Conservation Zones and
created, and contrasts these unfavourably with the draft Scottish Marine Bill, which permits Marine Conservation Zones for
such purposes as community interest. The paper also acknowledges that no target has been set for the creation of Marine Conservation
Zones, and raises some concerns over whether Marine Conservation Zones contain severe enough penalties, particularly in respect
of commercial fishing where there is a specific exemption for fisheries damage. The paper explores the function of the new
Inshore Fisheries Authorities which will replace existing Sea Fisheries Committees, but raises concerns that the new organisations
will still remain vulnerable to conflicts of interests because of their membership. 相似文献
158.
159.
160.
Tom Smith 《International Journal of the Legal Profession》2013,20(1):111-137
The criminal defence lawyer has been an integral component of adversarial criminal justice in England and Wales for nearly three centuries. However, over the last two decades this essential role has changed substantially, affected by a changing culture in the law and procedure governing criminal justice in this jurisdiction. This article argues that the criminal defence role has been pulled away from its traditional adversarial roots through a process of subtle and gradual change, pursued by the Government and the Judiciary. The article outlines a normative framework, entitled the ‘zealous advocate’ model, describing the ‘traditional’ role of the criminal defence lawyer; discusses ethical conflict and its growing significance; and examines how legislation, case law and funding have gradually moved the defence lawyer away from a ‘client-first’ style of representation. It concludes by considering the potentially significant implications of such a change in the role for both fair trial rights and adversarialism in England and Wales. 相似文献