Death from Nitrous Oxide

Nitrous oxide is an inflammable gas that gives no smell or taste. It has a history of abuse as long as its clinical use, and deaths, although rare, have been reported. We describe two cases of accidental deaths related to voluntary inhalation of nitrous oxide, both found dead with a gas mask covering the face. In an attempt to find an explanation to why the victims did not react properly to oncoming hypoxia, we performed experiments where a test person was allowed to breath in a closed system, with or without nitrous oxide added. Vital signs and gas concentrations as well as subjective symptoms were recorded. The experiments indicated that the explanation to the fact that neither of the descendents had reacted to oncoming hypoxia and hypercapnia was due to the inhalation of nitrous oxide. This study raises the question whether nitrous oxide really should be easily, commercially available.     

The political value of languages

A theory of linguistic justice needs to take into account the three distinct values of language as a medium for communication, as a source of individual identity and as an instrument for political self-government. Doing so would undermine Van Parijs’ claim that political borders and peoples should be downgraded to a purely instrumental role for purposes of social justice. But it would widen the scope of egalitarian global justice by including a universal right of individuals to membership self-governing polities and it could provide more solid theoretical foundations for his defence of coercive territorial language regimes.     

The one-third rule: Learning about the net economic benefit of a subsidy from a single observation

The subsidization of a natural monopoly is justified on welfare-economic grounds if the resulting total economic surplus exceeds total costs. Using rather standard assumptions, a simple check, managing with a minimum of information and, in particular, without virtually any knowledge of the demand curve, is developed which is capable of confirming an existing economic case for subsidization.     

Changing security cultures in Europe and Southeast Asia: Implications for inter-regionalism

Recent development in Southeast Asia demonstrates a slowly but steadily changing security culture from, first, an informal, consensus-based and often hidden way of managing security to a more open and explicit discourse and, second, from a statist realist definition of security as hard or military security to a broader, liberal understanding that covers the whole spectrum of human, economic and environmental security. This security culture in the making also touches upon formerly tabooed issues such as sovereignty and humanitarian intervention. The paper argues that the new approach has removed obstacles in relations between Europe and East Asia and contributed to the emergence of security as a cornerstone of the co-operation agenda since 1998. At the same time, however, a rapid translation of the inter-regional discourse on security into a working programme or even specific policies is hindered by the prevalence of diverging views on the nature, scope and degree of institutionalisation in Europe-East Asia relations.     

Contests Among Bureaucrats

This paper deals with double lobbying: several bureaucratsparticipate in joint lobbying to get a high total departmental budget, butthey also engage in antagonistic lobbying to reap as high a share of thetotal budget as possible. The antagonistic lobbyingconstitutes a contest among the bureaucrats. This papercharacterizes the Nash equilibria in lobbying and shows inwhich way exogenously fixed bureaucratic incomes induce thesame or different lobbying behavior as incentive incomes.     

Feminist consciousness vs profit—an unsolvable contradiction?

To survive in the capitalist system (which we are still part of), we have to deal with money, and in order to keep our projects going we have to make profit. The cold principles that rule the market will often clash with our feminist ideas of humane collectivity, but I will argue that we better face these conflicts and integrate them in our work structures, because the system sneaks in anyway and finds us unprepared and fighting with each other.