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Valerie Bunce Author Vitae 《Orbis》2008,52(1):25-40
There is no single road to democracy. However, there are some factors that seem to have consistently positive effects on democratic development. These include the existence of a large and diverse civil society; a sharp political break with the authoritarian past, followed by regular turnovers in political leadership and governing parties; stable state borders; and political institutions which empower parliaments and, in culturally diverse societies, give minorities political voice without locking them into permanent coalitions that block collaboration across group divides in pursuit of common goals. Less important are economic considerations—though economic reforms are far more likely in democratic settings than in authoritarian regimes and far more supportive over the medium- and long-term of robust economic performance. 相似文献
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Editor Valerie B. Morris 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(4):251-253
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Although it remains an empirical question whether the U.S. is experiencing greater levels of hate-motivated-conduct than in
the past, it is beyond dispute that the concept of ‘hate crime’ has been institutionalized in social, political, and legal
discourse in the U.S. From the introduction and politicization of the term hate crime in the late 1970s to the continued enforcement
of hate crime law at the beginning of the twenty-first century, social movements have constructed the problem of bias-motivated
violence in particular ways, while politicians at both the federal and state level have made legislation that defines the
parameters of hate crime. Accordingly, this article identifies and examines the parameters of a hate crime canon in the U.S.,
which can first and foremost be described as a body of law that 1) provides anew state policy action, by either creating anew
criminal category, altering an existing law, or enhancing penalties for select extant crimes when they are committed for bias
reasons; 2) contains an intent standard, which refers to the subjective intention of the perpetrator rather than relying solely
on the basis of objective behavior; and 3) specifies a list of protected social statuses, such as race, religion, ethnicity,
sexual orientation, gender, disabilities, etc. Arguing that these features constitute the core parameters of the hate crime canon and attendant discourse in the U.S., this article offers a critical assessment of the emergence, institutionalization,
and arguable consequences of ‘hate crime’ as a recently developed social fact - in the Durkheimian sense of the word - that
is consequential for the politics of victimization in the modern era and the social control of violence against minorities
more particularly.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
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Valerie P. Hans 《Law and human behavior》1990,14(5):399-407
I would like to thank Margaret Andersen, Dan Slater, and Ron Roesch for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this essay. 相似文献
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Liz Sperling 《Public administration》1998,76(3):471-487
The past eighteen years have witnessed a shift in the locus of much public sector service provision from elected and heavily regulated local government to the more opaque, appointed sector of quasi-autonomous non-governmental organizations (QUANGOs). This shift has been the basis of much debate about the nature of democratic accountability and whether the users of public services are empowered by such decentralization. What has yet to be considered is how the displacement of local authority representation and service delivery may affect different groups of service users. This article is concerned with such issues in relation to women as consumers of public services who, from genuine political as well as expedient motivations, have been relatively well represented by local authorities. The concern here is that as decision making moves away from public view, the need to be seen to accommodate difference is lost, and representative diversity will suffer. 相似文献
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