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Lobbying by multinational business firms drives the agenda of international trade politics. We match Fortune Global 500 firms to WTO disputes in which they have a stake and to their political activities using public disclosure data. The quantitative evidence reveals traces of a principal-agent relationship between major MNCs and the US Trade Representative (USTR). Firms lobby and make political contributions to induce the USTR to lodge a WTO dispute, and once a dispute begins, firms increase their political activity in order to keep USTR on track. Lobbying is overwhelmingly patriotic—the side opposing the US position is barely represented—and we see little evidence of MNCs lobbying against domestic protectionism. When the United States is targeted in a dispute, lobbying by defendant-side firms substantially delays settlement, as the affected firms pressure the government to reject concessions. Lobbying on the complainant side does not delay dispute resolution, as complainant-side firms have mixed incentives, to resolve disputes quickly as well as to hold out for better terms. 相似文献
283.
Dimitriadis,G. (2003). Friendship,Cliques, and Gangs: Young Black Men Coming of Age in Urban America
No abstract available for this article. 相似文献
284.
Are there conditions under which minority bureaucrats are less likely to provide active representation? The authors address this question by testing the link between passive and active representation for race in a police department and in the particular instance of racial profiling. Literature from three areas—racial profiling, representative bureaucracy, and police socialization—is brought together. The findings support the hypothesis that organizational socialization can hinder the link between passive and active representation. Furthermore, the authors find that the presence of black police officers is related to an increase in racial profiling in the division. This finding was unexpected and raises several important questions regarding active representation and race. 相似文献
285.
Randall G. Holcombe 《Public Choice》2008,137(1-2):11-19
Economists argue that government produces national defense because it is a public good, and markets fail to produce public goods optimally. This argument has two shortcomings. First, it relies on different assumptions of individual behavior in the private and public sectors. Second, it assumes that government has a comparative advantage in the production of public goods, despite evidence to the contrary. Employing the standard assumption of self-interested behavior for both private sector and public sector individuals, government has an incentive to produce national defense because by doing so it is protecting its source of income: its tax base. Incidentally, citizens benefit from the exchange of protection for tribute because their assets are protected. 相似文献
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A number of economic models have been used to estimate the economic losses resulting from oil embargoes, but they have not been able to provide good answers about how quickly an economy would recover once the embargo was over. This study uses a phase lag analysis to estimate the lag structure of an embargo, and concludes that the major economic effects should be expected to disappear about six weeks after an embargo ends.The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Department of Energy. 相似文献
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