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251.
Baroness Vivien Stern Anita Dockley Matt Wotton Jamie Bennett Stephen Shaw 《Criminal Justice Matters》2013,92(1):38-40
After more than one hundred years, the future of a unified Probation Service looks bleak in the face of current proposals by the Ministry of Justice to open up the market for rehabilitation services to new providers from the private, voluntary and community sectors. 相似文献
252.
ABSTRACTIn view of the multitude of challenges urban public administration is struggling with, more and more cities are turning towards smart solutions using information and communication technology. Such Smart City approaches revert to data provided in the urban space by sensors, by citizens or by the archives of the authorities aiming at providing public services that increase the quality of life for citizens, optimize mobility within the city or enhance flexibility and responsiveness of public authorities. This article identifies such SC approaches as well as their basic technical requirements for the cities of Vienna, Singapore, and San Francisco and, by compiling the public service portfolios of these cities, creates an integrative, strategic overview of a SC’s range of services. This approach thus helps to create a scientific basis for the evaluation of SC services and to provide a strategic modular toolkit for public managers to plan and design SCs. 相似文献
253.
Commotio cordis secondary to a blunt blow to the chest wall can result in ventricular fibrillation and sudden death in children. While it is commonly reported in adolescents during sporting activities, it may result from non-accidental trauma especially in infants and younger children. We report a case of a 6-month-old baby boy who presented to the emergency department in cardiac arrest. The patient's hospital records, postmortem imaging, and the autopsy results were reviewed. External examination of the infant did not reveal any evidence of trauma. Postmortem imaging revealed multiple healing posterior rib fractures and a metaphyseal corner fracture, both considered fractures highly specific for physical abuse. The autopsy revealed a structurally normal heart with no microscopic abnormalities. The infant's father confessed to hitting the child on the chest after which the child became unresponsive. Given the constellation of postmortem imaging and autopsy findings in addition to the father's confession, the child's death was ruled as a homicide secondary to commotio cordis. Since there are no structural and microscopic abnormalities in the heart autopsy in cases of commotio cordis, timely on-scene investigation and a thorough investigation regarding the mechanism of injury are required to make this diagnosis. Early identification of non-accidental trauma is crucial and can prevent further abuse in other siblings. 相似文献
254.
Manfred G. Schmidt 《German politics》2014,23(4):353-370
This article addresses two research questions: which course did the CDU, CSU–FDP coalition government choose to follow in social policy from 2009 to 2013? And what relationships exist between social policy in this period and the Bundestag election in 2013? The analysis of primary and secondary data reveals both continuity and discontinuity in social policy in the 17th legislative period of the Bundestag. The decisions and non-decisions on social protection and labour market regulation in this period mirror a wide variety of determinants. These include partisan effects, electoral cycles, co-governing judges and anonymous social policy of market forces. The data also suggest that the CDU/CSU has been relatively successful in its strategy of ‘asymmetric demobilisation’, the strategy of changing its social policy profile to one more similar to that of its social democratic opponent, in order to demobilise the SPD's voters rather than mobilising them. More ambivalent has been the electoral outcome of the FDP's role in social policy. The FDP's first foray into leading a large welfare state ministry, the Federal Ministry of Health, in 2009 to 2013 did not prove to be a winning proposition for the Liberals electorally. Social policy in general and welfare state recalibration in particular thus seem to be an electorally especially risky project for a liberal party such as the FDP. 相似文献
255.
Through their ambitious devolution programme, the Conservatives show a new assertiveness in relation to restructuring the local state, in contrast to the laissez-faire approach of the previous Coalition government. Although the Coalition piloted devolution, its signature policies of ‘localism’ and the ‘Big Society’ focused on non-state actors, providing rights and opportunities for communities to challenge local government and establish their own services. The Conservatives are promoting devolution as a strategy to stimulate economic growth based on greater sub-regional autonomy and increased competitiveness across and between English localities. ‘Combined authorities’ have the opportunity to champion local identities and acquire new economic development powers from Whitehall. But devolution could be a strategy to decentralise austerity, shifting responsibility to the local level for deeper cuts (56% by 2020) and inevitable service reductions. Local government confronts ‘super-austerity’, where new cuts come on top of previous ones, compounding original impacts and creating dangerous (and unevenly spread) multiplier effects. The Conservatives’ ‘smarter state’ policies, aimed at delivering ‘more for less’, amount to little more than a recycling of new public management diktats. The emerging patchwork of ‘devolution deals’ challenges the redistributive assumptions of the grant regime and could leave disadvantaged areas at particular risk of failure. ‘Metro mayors’ are intended to provide visible and accountable leadership; but roles for locally elected councillors, and prospects for community and citizen engagement, remain unclear. The public has yet to be adequately engaged in what is in danger of becoming a technocratic transfer of power. 相似文献
256.
257.
The impact of the cardinal relationships amongpecuniary payoffs, and of social history and reputation, on thechoice of strategies in four one-shot Prisoner's Dilemma games isexperimentally examined. The results suggest that normalized payoffvalues linked to ``fear'' and ``greed'' are important as predictorsof behavior in the PD games. Success in coordinating on the payoffdominant equilibrium in previous plays of coordination games alsoincreases the probability of cooperative play in the PD games. Theeffect of past play is strongest when individuals are matchedrepeatedly with the same person in previous play, as contrasted tobeing matched randomly with another player. 相似文献
258.
Recent contributions in International Relations focus either on a shift from modernity towards postmodernity in approaches to address climate change, or underline the permanencies and continuities of modern thought and power hierarchies. In contrast, we suggest that there is a contradictory simultaneity of both of these framings through which the world is continuously decomposed and recomposed. Today climate change programmes seem to be driven by a key contradiction, which lies at the heart of the Anthropocene: the environment is ours to manipulate and yet is out of reach. Based on this framing, and thinking through Timothy Morton and Bruno Latour’s writings on political ecology, we argue that “whatever action” best captures current policy thinking: multiple initiatives are taken without a telos; rather they are designed to avoid that opportunities for adaptation and climate mitigation are foreclosed. 相似文献
259.
This symposium demonstrates the potential for throughput legitimacy as a concept for shedding empirical light on the strengths and weaknesses of multi‐level governance, as well as challenging the concept theoretically. This article introduces the symposium by conceptualizing throughput legitimacy as an ‘umbrella concept’, encompassing a constellation of normative criteria not necessarily empirically interrelated. It argues that in order to interrogate multi‐level governance processes in all their complexity, it makes sense for us to develop normative standards that are not naïve about the empirical realities of how power is exercised within multi‐level governance, or how it may interact with legitimacy. We argue that while throughput legitimacy has its normative limits, it can be substantively useful for these purposes. While being no replacement for input and output legitimacy, throughput legitimacy offers distinctive normative criteria—accountability, transparency, inclusiveness and openness—and points towards substantive institutional reforms. 相似文献
260.
Jill Gregory April Lewton Stephanie Schmidt Diane "Dani" Smith Mark Mattern 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):433-448
The Clothesline Project uses t-shirt art to address the issue of violence against women. Others have argued that the Clothesline Project empowers women in general and female victims of violence in particular. In this article we attempt to deepen this argument, first, by tying it to the existing "faces of power" literature. Using this literature, we argue that the Clothesline Project empowers by creating a public space for political action, offering an alternative communicative medium, educating in a context of dismissal and silence, and contributing to social and cultural transformation. Second, we develop the notion of affective power and argue that it amplifies the practical power of the Clothesline Project. 相似文献