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111.
Anna V. Kirenskaya Dr.Sc. Maxim Y. Kamenskov Ph.D. Vadim V. Myamlin Ph.D. Vladimir Y. Novototsky‐Vlasov Ph.D. Andrey A. Tkachenko Dr.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(5):1219-1226
Antisaccade task performance and mean amplitudes of slow cortical potentials (contingent negative variation—CNV) were investigated in 19 healthy volunteers, 16 schizophrenic patients (SP), and 12 patients with stereotyped form of paraphilia (PP). Compared with healthy subjects, schizophrenic and paraphilic patients committed significantly more erroneous saccades. The clear between‐group CNV differences were observed during the early CNV stage that is associated with cognitive aspects of preparatory set. In SP, as compared to controls, the significant decline of CNV amplitude was found at frontal‐central area. PP have demonstrated the lack of CNV over central and parietal regions, but their CNV amplitudes in frontal area did not differ from values of control group. Thus, two distinct types of CNV abnormalities have been found. The SP results have been interpreted as support for frontal dysfunction in schizophrenia. The disconnection between prefrontal cortex, sensorimotor cortex, and related subcortical structures is hypothesized in paraphilia group. 相似文献
112.
Russia has recently cracked down on politically active civil society, increasing regulation and undercutting foreign support. However, apolitical, service-oriented parts of civil society have not been subject to these restrictive policies. In contrast, since 2009 Russia has introduced a set of government tools to support socially oriented non-profit organisations. These tools present a framework akin to concepts of ‘third-party government’ and collaborative governance that have come to dominate Western public administration discourse. This article discusses the Russian government’s divergent positions towards civil society, the nature and extent of the supportive tool kit, and its prospects. 相似文献
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Vladimir Shlapentokh 《Communist and Post》2007,40(4):493-499
The ability of an Orwellian society to bend the will of individuals and force them to change their minds is well known. Putin's Russia, however, has proved that not only a harsh totalitarian state, such as the Soviet Union, but also a somewhat milder, authoritarian regime is able to achieve almost the same result. Such a regime can threaten to diminish the income, privileges or social status of prominent people. By murdering or jailing only a few active people (businesspeople, journalists and politicians), the regime can show its potential opponents that everyone in the country is vulnerable. Looking back on Stalin's time, one cannot help but think that he could have achieved his goals and stayed in power until his death without using such horrendous acts of violence. The ideological evolution of Yegor Gaidar represents a strong piece of evidence in support of this thesis. 相似文献
115.
Vladimir Kontorovich 《欧亚研究》2001,53(5):675-695
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Terrorism today is one of the main threats to Western civilization. Almost as dire a threat is the fight against terrorism itself. A broad spectrum of antiterrorism measures may significantly change the nature of society by destroying those forms of cooperative activity that underlie Western culture. This threat becomes obvious with an analysis of mathematical models of human moral behavior. 相似文献
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The attitudes of leaders toward their personal future are very important to domestic and international politics. These views are particularly vital in the case of leaders of non-democratic regimes who could face legal prosecution for their corrupt acts or violations of human rights in their own country and abroad. In spite of these fears, however, the leaders in many authoritarian societies trespass laws, both domestic and international, in order to preserve their power and enrich their families. They expose themselves to the danger of the prosecution after they leave office or lose control of the regime. In this context, the author pays special attention to Vladimir Putin's political future and to the developments in Russia, which favor and disfavor his continued stay in power after 2008. 相似文献
120.
Vladimir N. Brovkin 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2003,40(2-3):195-230