实施高度开放自由港政策推动横琴粤澳深度合作区建设

广东自贸区自成立以来,虽然在推动粤港澳深度合作方面初见成效,但自贸区范围内的生产要素流动仍有阻碍,经济商业活动缺乏更大的自由发挥空间。为充分发挥粤港澳综合优势,更好地构建与国际接轨的开放型经济新体制,推动澳门经济适度多元发展和深化粤澳合作,建议将澳门部分自由港政策延伸到横琴,参照世界高水平的开放形态和国际通行规则改革横琴现有体制,突破旧有行政区域划分造成的制度“藩篱”,以政策创新推动澳门和横琴的体制机制贯通、变通和融通,并在广泛调研的基础上提出具体方案建议,为解决内地与澳门存在的制度差异,形成生活和营商环境逐步趋同的“粤澳深度合作区”提供参考。     

Reassessment of the state role in the development of high-tech industry: A case study of Taiwan’s Hsinchu Science Park

This article reassesses the state role in the development of high-tech industries through a case study of one of the earliest science parks in Asia, Hsinchu Science Park. Taking a historical and public policy approach to this issue, the article argues that the state did play a positive role in the growth of hightech industries in Taiwan. However, not all positive outcomes were derived from rational political elites and state bureaucracy. There existed many unintended and path-dependent consequences. In addition, many planned goals have not been achieved and there were many side effects and negative outcomes neglected by previous studies, which give significant implications for the evaluation, of state's capability and limitation in pursuing economic development.     

MEDIA,IDENTITY, AND STRUGGLE IN TWENTY-FIRST-CENTURY CHINA

Abstract

Hayashi Kyoko was born in Nagasaki in 1930, but as a child she lived in Shanghai where her father was working. Except for her father, her family returned to Nagasaki in the spring of 1945 as the Pacific War drew to a close. On 9 August, three days after the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Nagasaki was also the target of an atomic bomb. When the bomb fell Hayashi and fellow students who had been mobilized for the war effort were working in a factory located close to the hypocenter, an area where tens of thousands died instantly.     

Duff on the Legitimacy of Punishment of Socially Deprived Offenders

Duff offered an argument for the conclusion that just or legitimate punishment of socially deprived offenders in our unjust society is impossible. One of the claims in his argument is that our courts have the standing to blame an offender only if our polity has the right to do so since our courts are acting as the representatives of, or to use the exact phrases by Duff, “in the name of”, or “on behalf of”, the whole polity. In this paper I will challenge that claim. I will argue that the courts can be seen as acting, not on behalf of the whole polity, but only on behalf of a subset of its citizens, namely, the just citizens (i.e. the citizens who cannot be seen to have wronged the deprived offenders).     

Parental Demandingness and Executive Functioning in Predicting Anxiety among Children in a Longitudinal Community Study

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Theoretical models and empirical studies of anxiety have predominately focused on the main effects of various predictors such as executive functioning deficits on...     

Bureaucratic control and information processing: An institutional comparison

Standard models of bureaucratic control argue that politicians vulnerable to asymmetric information rely on third‐party monitoring to expand information supply. This solution to information asymmetry assumes that politicians can process all information that comes their way. However, advocates strategically oversupply information to crowd out rivals, making such a solution counterproductive. Using data on administrative reorganization in Hong Kong, we examine the alternative proposition that bureaucratic control is contingent not only on how information is obtained but also on how it is processed under two different institutional arrangements: one that splits attention across domain‐specific streams and one that concentrates attention in a single sequence. In both cases, bureaucrats refrain from major changes when politicians break from these arrangements. Moreover, bureaucratic action is significantly more likely to respond to changes in attention allocation when politicians process information in multiple streams.